tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-79529161634693806402023-11-16T19:07:48.182+05:00Mohammed Yousuf, Advocate (AMICUS)(Amicus is the pseudonym of Advocate Mohammed Yousuf Has written extensively on Islam, Militancy and Current Affairs.)Mohammed Yousuf, (Advocate)http://www.blogger.com/profile/02644165187785886133noreply@blogger.comBlogger855125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7952916163469380640.post-32144240215835902592017-06-29T14:57:00.000+05:002017-06-29T14:57:01.757+05:00Impeachment of President Musharraf<h1 style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Impeachment of President
Musharraf<o:p></o:p></span></h1>
<div style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 17.3333px;">By Amicus</span></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Taliban commanders are
taking over more of the country’s ungoverned north-west by the day.Tensions
between South Asia’s nuclear-armed rivals are rising. After a suicide-bomb
attack on the Indian embassy in Kabul last month—which India blamed on the
ISI—its national security adviser, M.K. Narayanan, warned that India might have
to “retaliate in kind”.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The economy is hell-bound.
Inflation is running at 25% a year. The stockmarket in Karachi has lost 35% of
its value since April. During blackouts, Pakistani businessmen trade tales of
capital flight. Foreign-exchange reserves—once emblematic of economic
recovery—now barely cover three months of imports.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The government, a coalition
led by the Pakistan People Party (PPP), has been paralysed since its formation
in February. It has no plan for the north-west and appears to have given little
thought to arresting the economy’s decline.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The government does not even
have a permanent finance minister. Ishaq Dar and half his colleagues were
withdrawn from the cabinet in May by the PPP’s biggest coalition partner, Nawaz
Sharif’s Pakistan Muslim League (N).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">It was protesting against
the government’s failure to reinstate 60 judges, who were sacked by Pervez
Musharraf last November lest they object to his (apparently illegal)
re-election as president. Nawaz Sharifbelieves, if reinstated, these judges
would force Mr Musharraf to quit.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">For good reasons he has also
demanded that parliament impeach the president. And he may have his way.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">After showdown talks on
August 6th and 7th Mr Sharif and the PPP’s leader, Asif Zardari, reached a
provisional agreement to impeach the president and restore the judges.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Both moves would be popular.
Having ruled Pakistan more or less outright for almost a decade, Mr Musharraf
is blamed for many of its troubles.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">According to a poll for the
International Republican Institute, an American NGO, 83% of Pakistanis want him
out and the judges reinstated.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Support for the PPP-led
government, which came to power amid euphoria, has nose dived.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Its few efforts at
policymaking—including a doomed effort to put the army-run ISI into civilian
hands— have mostly been hapless.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Under Mr Zardari, the PPP
seems rudderless and divided; a third of its elected members are said to be
ready to rebel.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">It appears Mr. Nawaz Sharif,
like Mr Zardari, is reluctant to bring an end to an alliance for which he has
no love.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The moves of the ruling
coalition impeach President Pervez Musharraf on charges of plunging the country
into a political and economic crisis.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">They also warned Musharraf,
a former general who first came to power in a 1999 military coup, against any
attempt to dismiss the government.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The move is likely to deepen
political uncertainty in the which already faces a faltering economy and a
threat from Islamist militants.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">This situation has taken a
toll on Pakistani markets, with the main share index at its weakest in almost
two years and the rupee headed back towards all-time lows posted in early July.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Asif Ali Zardari said, “The
coalition leaders believe that it has become imperative to move for
impeachment,” Zardari told a news conference with his coalition partner, former
prime minister Nawaz Sharif.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The response of the powerful
army to the prospect of a humiliating exit for its former chief will be
crucial. Army commanders met in the garrison city of Rawalpindi, close to
Islamabad, on Thursday but a military official said it was a routine meeting.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">While Mushrraf has become
increasingly unpopular at home and lost parliamentary support after his allies
suffered a defeat in February elections but he has resisted calls to stand
down.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">“The economic policies
pursued by General Musharraf during the last 8 years have brought Pakistan to
the brink of critical economic impasse,” a joint statement read by Zardari
said.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">“He has worked to undermine
the transition to democracy.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Some analysts say the
jockeying for political power has distracted leaders from dealing with
Pakistan’s economic problems and the effort to control Islamic militants,
especially along the border with Afghanistan.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The United States and the
Afghanistan government say the border areas are shelters for Taliban and al
Qaeda fighters.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Musharraf has previously
said he would resign rather than face impeachment.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Under the Pakistani
constitution, a president can be ousted if an impeachment motion wins a
two-thirds majority of the combined strength of the National Assembly and
Senate.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Zardari was confident the
motion would be passed with an overwhelming majority.<br />
“We have votes and we also have the courage,” he said<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">“The coalition reaffirmed
the resolve of democracy and democratic forces will work jointly to make a
transition to genuine democracy,” the head of Pakistan People’s Party Asif Ali
Zardari said, reading a joint communique with his coalition partners.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Before pursuing impeachment
proceedings, Pakistani lawmakers will demand Musharraf take a vote of
confidence in the newly elected parliament, which he had vowed to do last year,
Zardari said.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">“The people of Pakistan gave
a clear mandate in favor of democracy and democratic forces and voted for the
change to oust Gen. Musharraf by defeating his … party,” Zardari added.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">“In spite of his clear
commitment that if his party was defeated in the election he would resign, he
continues to cling to the office of the president.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">On Thursday, Pakistani
stocks had nudged up 0.3 percent, closing at 9,707.29 on turnover of 88.5
million shares, kept in check by anticipation of the formal announcement of the
impeachment by the ruling parties.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The President is expected to
fight off moves to oust him, saying he would take up the challenge and would
not quit. “I will defeat those who try to push me to the wall,“ a defiant
president told his supporters. “If they use their right to oust me, I have the
right to defend myself.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The twin issues of President
Musharraf’s removal and the restoration of Supreme Court judges who were
dismissed by the president last November during a brief period of emergency
rule have over-shadowed the four-month-old coalition government.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The ruling coalition claims
they have the two thirds majority required to remove the president.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Observers said the
impeachment move could further destabilise the country, which is facing severe
economic problem and rising Islamic insurgency.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">He became hugely unpopular
after he imposed a temporary emergency rule in the country in November 2007 and
sacked the independent minded chief justice.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">His allies were defeated in
an election in February that resulted in a civilian coalition government led by
the party of the late Benazir Bhutto, a two-time prime minister who was
assassinated while campaigning last December.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Despite the loss of
parliamentary support, Mr. Musharraf has resisted pressure to quit, and has
insisted that he was willing to work with the new civilian government.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">He has repeatedly said he
would not use presidential powers to dismiss the parliament, but Pakistani
political circles are rife with speculation that he is manouevring towards this
scenario on grounds that the civilian government has proved inept.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Analysts said the
impeachment move could increase political disarray the country and force the
army to act, although the army leadership has so far kept itself out of the fray.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Political uncertainty has
badly affected the economy with inflation reaching a record high. Investors
have harboured doubts over whether the civilian coalition government has the
ability to arrest the decline. Rising Islamic militancy which has gripped
northern areas also threaten to tear apart the country.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The Causes for PPP going for
Impeachment:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The PPP has been complaining
of “interference” from the Presidency for some time, though not with the same
intensity as the PMLN in Punjab.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The position may have
changed a bit now because the PPP is also toying with the idea of having its
own man in the presidency.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The level of unhappiness or
dissatisfaction was revealed by Mr Zardari during an interview with Business
Plus TV channel aired the same day.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">He stated bluntly that the
government of Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani was finding the president an
obstacle in governance. When pushed to be more specific, he said the government
would like to replace the Chief Commissioner and Governor of the State Bank but
was hampered in this by the president. Apparently, the president is also
dragging his feet on Mr Zardari’s nominee for the ambassadorship of the UAE, a
position currently held by a friend of the president who also served in the
caretaker administration.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">It develops that the
Governor of the State Bank, Ms Shamshad Akhtar, may have offended the
government by making public the sum which his government had borrowed from the
State Bank against good sense as it notched up the deficit and stoked
inflation. Mr Zardari said the most recent Rs 50 billion had to be borrowed
because his government had to pay off the oil companies whose dues had not been
cleared by the Musharraf government. Because of non-payment, the companies were
unable to supply oil for the production of electricity and power producers were
unable to pay the suppliers. He seemed unhappy that this economic measure of
last resort was shown to the public as an “excess”by the State Bank governor.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">On Wednesday, Dr Pervez
Tahir, chief economist of the Planning Commission from 2000 to 2006, brought
out the supposed bias of the Governor in blinking the much bigger borrowings by
governments before the PPP coalition took over in 2008. He wrote: “In
November-December 2007 alone, the State Bank allowed the government to borrow
Rs178bn. And now it is becoming restless because the new government in its
first month borrowed Rs33bn. The consequences of the failure to act in July
2007 are being projected as problems that the democratic alliance does not have
the competence to deal with. The plot continues to thicken.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">In any case, the precedents
tell, presidential impeachment may be easier said than done. There is
uncertainty in certain quarters about the impeachment in terms of numbers and
procedure.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">While many lawyers are
agreed that impeachment can go ahead, some point to the difficulties of
preparing a charge sheet according to the Constitution which pins the
parliament down to one or all of the following three presidential
culpabilities:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">1) Unfitness to hold the office
due to incapacity, 2) guilt of violating the Constitution, 3) gross misconduct.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">2) The partisans
of this view hold that the President’s actions violating the Constitution in
1999 and 2007 through military rule were validated by the Supreme Court; therefore,
the charge sheet will be seriously challenged.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The question of numbers has
never been very clear. The PPP itself had earlier declared on a number of
occasions that the coalition did not have the two-thirds vote required for
impeachment in a joint parliamentary session.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The PMLQ and the MQM cannot
be expected to support the move and their position will not change visibly in
the interim.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Rumours have been afoot
about the development of overt and covert “forward blocs” within the PMLQ, and
that the PMLN has been quietly encouraging them. Therefore, if the PMLQ can be
broken, and if the ANP and JUIF persuaded to go along, then the numbers may not
be out of range. But these are two big ifs.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">But there are other issues
that are less clear. Does the PPP really want the quick exit of Mr Musharraf
even if it leads to a stampede of the PMLQ into the arms of the PMLN and
weakens the balance of power between the PMLN and PPP? How will the SC packed
with Musharraf loyalists react to the impeachment when it knows that it will be
on the hit list of the PMLN next?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Will the president sit back
and let the PPP-PMLN grab the MNAs and Senators or will he throw the ISI and MI
into the game and thwart them by wooing the ANP and JUIF?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Let us be clear about how
the forces are stacked at the moment before we jump to any conclusions.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The PMLN and President
Musharraf are true foes in the sense that they can’t share power under any
circumstances.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The PPP is in the middle, it
wants the president to go but it doesn’t want the PMLN to gain advantage out of
it, and thus far it has been trying to survive by balancing one off against the
other.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The ANP has its hands full
in combating terrorism in its province and needs the army and ISI on its right
side. The JUIF is looking over its shoulder to see which way the wind blows.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">So we have the President,
Army, ISI, MQM and PMLQ on one side, fully united, and the PMLN, the PPP, the
lawyers’ movement and most Pakistanis on the other, with one critical
qualification — the lawyers’ movement is fatigued and lacks the potency of last
year, while “the people” are not ready to risk their necks for their
anti-Musharraf beliefs. , ANP and JUIF, seemingly in the middle, but their
short term interests have tilted in favour of the than the latter. The
Supreme Court too, may take the que from the anti-Musharraf, highly charged
public opinion.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Since the President
Musharraf canceled his China visit, it means he takes this threat seriously and
is going to quickly rally his forces.A beleaguered President Pervez Musharraf
held consultations with his political loyalists and constitutional and legal
aides on Wednesday in what appeared to be an effort to prepare himself to fight
off the ruling coalition in its move to impeach him.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">“I will defeat those who try
to push me to the wall,” sources quoted the president as saying. “If they use
their right to try to oust me I have the right to defend myself.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">“I will go down fighting but
will not give in to those who are doing so to create more political divisions,”
he said.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">He said he was an elected
president and would continue to serve the nation as long as the Constitution
allowed him.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Pakistan Muslim League-Q
president Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain, Leader of Opposition in the National
Assembly Chaudhry Pervaiz Elahi and party leader Hamid Nasir Chattha were the
first to meet him. They assured him of their party’s unwavering support
“through thick and thin”.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Later, the governors of
Punjab and Sindh met the president to discuss the political situation.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Sindh Governor Dr Ishratul
Ibad is said to have renewed support for President Musharraf on behalf of the
Muttahida Qaumi Movement.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Reports of a meeting of
constitutional and legal advisers with the president were not confirmed by the
presidential spokesman Rashid Qureshi.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The sources said that the
PML-Q leaders had asked the president to defend himself in person in
parliament. They also convinced him not to call off his visit to China which
was a tested strategic friend of Pakistan.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Private TV channels also
reported a meeting between Chief of the Army Staff Gen Ashfaq Parvez Kayani and
the president but it was denied by Inter-Services Public Relations director
general Maj-Gen Athar Abbas.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Chaudhry Shujaat told
reporters after his two and half an hour meeting at the president’s camp office
that the impeachment bogie was aimed at diverting the attention of the people
from real issues.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Ways of countering the
impeachment move were discussed at the meeting and the PML-Q assured the
president that its legislators would defend him in parliament and outside it.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Chaudhry Pervaiz said: “Gen
(retd) Musharraf is an elected president who has the credit of holding free and
fair elections. He does not deserve this treatment and we will stand by him in
case of any effort to oust him.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">He warned against any move
which could sabotage political harmony and create instability at this critical
juncture in national history.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Options:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">So what are Musharraf’s
options to avoid a possible impeachment if he does not quit?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">It will require a wide split
in the ranks of PPP and PML-N — by no means an impossible task ordinarily but
quite unlikely given their extraordinary need to do business together, for now.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Najam Sethi, editor of the
pro-West Daily Times, who has previously supported Musharraf’s liberal
policies,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">suggests a way out.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">“Ideally, President
Musharraf might be advised to voluntarily quit, redeem some honour and allow
the fledgling democracy to settle down and grow. But if he is reluctant to call
it a day voluntarily, the choice will be between banding together and getting
rid of him or letting him stay as a lame duck president.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">To arrive at any meaningful
conclusion on, if and how, Musharraf can be impeached, if he decides to ignore
calls for resignation, it is important for PPP and PML-N to converge.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">As declared by the coalition
partners, PPP-PMLN-ANP-JUIF, the Game Plan has began to unfold, with the
passage of a Resolution requiring the President Musharraf to seek a vote of
confidence from the National Assembly, as per his commitment before the Supreme
Court (which otherwise the PMLN does not consider legitimate).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The strategy seems to be to
create Moral Pressure via Provincial Assemblies calling upon him to seek that
vote of confidence, mobilize public opinion, create Media Hype and brow be
President to make him virtually reel before the socalled “Great Public Demand”
and give in or else…….<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">It may not be out of place
to point out Assembly Resolution may have moral value but no Constitutional
binding on President Musharraf. This appears to be the case, since undertaking
given before the Supreme Court on his behalf, may make why not approach the
Supreme Court to seek a direction to Musharraf to honor his commitment made on
his before the Apex Court. Albeit PMLN, atleast would not share such a course.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Hence Impeachment, at the
cost and peril of the Primary and Pivotal Goal of getting the Honorable CJ
Iftikhar Chaudhry and other 59 (or shall we substract the 8 Honorable ousted
Justices, having been reappointed by the PPP-PMLN Coalition Government, because
as of today those appointments holds the ground on Legal Plane), the Lawyers
and Civil Socitieties’ Long Struggle. Now Restoration of Judges shall be
preceded by Impeachment and Removal of President Musharraf. No
disagreement with that, the caveat is why this took so long to divine the
Coalition Government of PPP and PMLN, moreso the later.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">If it had, the Nation would
have been spared the torture and agony since almost five months, lack or
absence of governance, down heel slide of the National Economy, spiraling cost of
living, high inflation, decline of Law and Order and the stark reality of
Threats to National Security owing to the Regional Geo Political environment
and serious attempts by enemies of Pakistan, within and without.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">That being said, one would
desire, impeachment, so be it. A word of caution is “Let’s do it right by our
Constitution and Laws”.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">To facilitate precisely that
let our Lagislators, comprehend the “Doctrine of Impeachment of Head of the
State, Government or even Public Servants” elsewhere in the Civilised World.
Here are some insights for a starter.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The relevant Constututionl
provisions for Impeachment of President.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">PART III<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The Federation of Pakistan<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Chapter 1. THE PRESIDENT<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">47. Removal [22][or
impeachment] of President.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">[22A](1) Notwithstanding
anything contained in the Constitution, the President may, in accordance with
the provisions of this Article, be removed from office on the ground of
physical or mental incapacity or impeached on a charge of violating the
Constitution or gross misconduct.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">(2) Not less than one-half
of the total membership of either House may give to the Speaker of the National
Assembly or, as the case may be, the Chairman written notice of its intention
to move a resolution for the removal of, or, as the case may be, to impeach,
the President; and such notice shall set out the particulars of his incapacity
or of the charge against him.]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">(3) If a notice under clause
(2) is received by the Chairman, he shall transmit it forthwith to the Speaker.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">(4) The Speaker shall,
within three days of the receipt of a notice under clause (2) or clause (3),
cause a copy of the notice to be transmitted to the President.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">(5) The Speaker shall summon
the two Houses to meet in a joint sitting not earlier than seven days and not
later than fourteen days after the receipt of the notice by him.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">(6) The joint sitting may
investigate or cause to be investigated the ground or the charge upon which the
notice is founded.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">(7) The President shall have
the right to appear and be represented during the investigation, if any, and
before the joint sitting.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">(8) If, after consideration
of the result of the investigation, if any, a resolution is passed at the joint
sitting by the votes of not less than two-thirds of the total membership of
[23][Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament)] declaring that the President is unfit to
hold the office due to incapacity or is guilty of violating the Constitution or
of gross misconduct, the President shall cease to hold office immediately on
the passing of the resolution. (1)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">In the absence of Bhutto,
who remained its great binding force for nearly three decades, the PPP under
Zardari — who has remained a source of discontent within the party rank and
file thanks to his controversial role in her two governments — will be
vulnerable to the devious games of the establishment and intelligence agencies.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">In other words, staying in
power will be the glue, which keeps the PPP together and provide Zardari the
necessary space to earn his spurs as a genuine leader. But this could mean
making uncomfortable compromises. PPP and Musharraf’s aides are already in
talks over the future dispensation.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The PPP appears not too keen
on the restoration of the deposed judges but PML-N can ill-afford to part with
their hardened stand. Even if the PPP reluctantly agrees to find a middle
ground on the issue, Sharif is not ready to let bygones be bygones with
Musharraf.<br />
To impeach or not to impeach<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Both the parties want
Musharraf out, but while they would rather the beleaguered leader resign of his
own volition, PPP has given indications that it could still live with him if
they get their pound of flesh. On the contrary, Sharif is gunning for an
impeachment if Musharraf tries to push his luck.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">So far, Musharraf is
refusing to buckle down. This may change however, if Zardari and Sharif reach
the same conclusion to keep their political stock intact. Debate on possible
impeachment may gain currency in the days to come.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Zardari has called for
Musharraf to quit.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Senator John Kerry, the last
Bush rival for the White House, and one of few US lawmakers, who traveled to
Pakistan as poll observers, was constrained to point to a clause for
impeachment in the Pakistani constitution to offset a query at a news
conference in Islamabad the other day.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Kerry was asked if he was
working to advance longstanding US policy of supporting Musharraf in power when
he suggested Musharraf and moderate victors of the February 18 elections had a
great opportunity to work together to strengthen democracy.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Joseph Biden, chairman of
the senate foreign relations committee and one of the poll observers, at least,
signaled a change in outlook.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">“This is an opportunity for
us to move from a policy that has been focused on a personality to one based on
an entire people,” Biden said.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Regardless of what eventually
happens to Musharraf, the gnawing reality is that politically, he may have
reached a dead-end.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The relevant Constututionl
provisions for Impeachment of President.<br />
PART III<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The Federation of Pakistan<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Chapter 1. THE PRESIDENT<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">47. Removal [22][or impeachment]
of President.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">[22A](1) Notwithstanding
anything contained in the Constitution, the President may, in accordance with
the provisions of this Article, be removed from office on the ground of
physical or mental incapacity or impeached on a charge of violating the
Constitution or gross misconduct.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">(2) Not less than one-half
of the total membership of either House may give to the Speaker of the National
Assembly or, as the case may be, the Chairman written notice of its intention
to move a resolution for the removal of, or, as the case may be, to impeach,
the President; and such notice shall set out the particulars of his incapacity
or of the charge against him.]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">(3) If a notice under clause
(2) is received by the Chairman, he shall transmit it forthwith to the Speaker.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">(4) The Speaker shall,
within three days of the receipt of a notice under clause (2) or clause (3),
cause a copy of the notice to be transmitted to the President.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">(5) The Speaker shall summon
the two Houses to meet in a joint sitting not earlier than seven days and not
later than fourteen days after the receipt of the notice by him.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">(6) The joint sitting may
investigate or cause to be investigated the ground or the charge upon which the
notice is founded.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">(7) The President shall have
the right to appear and be represented during the investigation, if any, and
before the joint sitting.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">(8) If, after consideration
of the result of the investigation, if any, a resolution is passed at the joint
sitting by the votes of not less than two-thirds of the total membership of
[23][Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament)] declaring that the President is unfit to
hold the office due to incapacity or is guilty of violating the Constitution or
of gross misconduct, the President shall cease to hold office immediately on the
passing of the resolution.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">In order to comprehend what
PPP-PMLN coalition is getting into by taking the Impeachment Route it may be
useful to take a look at what Impeachment is in the contemporary world. Here are
some relevant materials.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<h1 style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Independence Day of Pakistan<o:p></o:p></span></h1>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">On the 61 Independence
Day, as the people of Pakistan celebrate and rejoice, the bounty that
became home to the genertion that was witness to the Dawn of 14th August
1947 and since. May be, the former knew what was the vision of Father of
the Nation Mr. Mohammed Ali Jinnah, do we?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">While Celebrating let’s
revisit Jinnah’s Vision and collectively reflect, let ‘Bye gone be, that-Bye
Gone “ and resolve to take Big steps, one at a time in humble and small way, in
Unison to put our Mother Land Pakistan on the path envisioned and charted
by Quaid-e-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinah.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Let’s see what he said on
following occasions:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Interview to a
representative of the Associated Press of America, clarifying various aspects
of Pakistan, Bombay, November 8, 1945(full text)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Politically, Pakistan would
be a democracy. Mr. Jinnah said that he personally hoped its major industrial
and public utility services would be socialized. The component states or
provinces of Pakistan would have autonomy.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Economically, Mr Jinnah
contended, Pakistan, divided into two separate zones, is just as sound an
undertaking as if it were a country with all of its States in one bloc; that is
natural resources and population would be sufficient to make it a great world
power.<br />
Most Powerful State<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Declaring that Pakistan
would embrace a population of some one hundred million persons, Mr. Jinnah
added: “England became power with only a population of 35 million. Pakistan
could become one of the most powerful states economically.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Even now a Muslim League
committee is studying the field for developing Pakistan States as a nation.
There is a great future for it, with its still untouched iron, petroleum,
sulphur, coal and other mineral deposits many of which already have been
mapped. The Punjab is putting up one of the greatest hydroelectric stations in
the world and this will mean a rural electrification and industrial development
programme.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">There is no merit to
contentions that to draw masses of persons into industry would rob farms of
needed labour and invite food shortages or famine.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">There would be ample
revenues from “equitable taxation, levied in a manner consistent with social
justice” to finance good Government and “allow us to have a State as good as
any in the world and better than many sovereign countries on the map of the
world today..”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">This would be a Muslim
state. As far as the Musalmans are concerned there would be no social barriers
of any kind against the Hindus or anyone else. The Musalmans are a people who
believe in and act on the basic principle of equality of manhood and
fraternity.<br />
No One-Party Government<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Mr. Jinnah said that he did
not expect that Pakistan would have one-party Government and that he would
oppose one party rule. “An opposition party or parties are good correctives for
any party which is in power” he said.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Hindu minorities in Pakistan
can rest assured that their rights will be protected. No civilised Government
can be run successfully without giving minorities a complete sense of security
and confidence. They must be made to feel that they have a hand in Government
and to do this they must have adequate representation in it. Pakistan will give
this.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The theory of Pakistan
guarantees that federated units of the National Government would have all the
autonomy that you will find in the constitutions of the United States of
America, Canada and Australia. But certain vital powers will remain vested in
the Central Government such as the monetary system, national defence and other
federal responsibilities.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Each federated State or
province would have its own legislative executive and judicial systems, each of
the three branches of Government being constitutionally separate.<br />
National Defence<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Britain has been strong with
an empire scattered over the globe. We can be strong with a Pakistan which has
one of its zones in the west and one in the east of India. We would be more
closely knit than the British Commonwealth of Nations.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">And do not forget that more
than 55 per cent of the Indian Army comes from the Punjab and are mostly Muslims.
(1)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">On the occasion of the
inauguration of the Pakistan Broadcasting Service: August 15, 1947<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">“It is with feelings of
greatest happiness and emotion that I send you my greetings. August 15 is the
birthday of the independent and sovereign State of Pakistan. It marks the
fulfillment of the destiny of the Muslim nation which made great sacrifices in
the past few years to have its homeland.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">“At this supreme moment my
thoughts are with those valiant fighters in our cause. Pakistan will remain
grateful to them and cherish the memory of those who are no more.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">“The creation of the new
State has placed a tremendous responsibility on the citizens of Pakistan. It
gives them an opportunity to demonstrate to the world how can a nation,
containing many elements, live in peace and amity and work for the betterment
of all its citizens, irrespective of caste or creed.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">“Our object should be peace
within and peace without. We want to live peacefully and maintain cordial and
friendly relations with our immediate neighbors and with the world at large. We
have no aggressive designs against any one. We stand by the United Nations
Charter and will gladly make our full contribution to the peace and prosperity
of the world.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">“Muslims of India have shown
to the world that they are a united nation, their cause is just and righteous
which cannot be denied. Let us, on this day, humbly thank God for His bounty
and pray that we might be able to prove that we are worthy of it.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">“This day marks the end of a
poignant phase in our national history and it should also be the beginning of a
new and a noble era. Let us impress the minorities by word, deed and thought
that as long as they fulfill their duties and obligations as loyal citizens of
Pakistan, they have nothing to fear.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">“To the freedom loving
tribes on our borders and the States beyond our borders, we send our greetings
and assure that Pakistan will respect their status and will extend to them its
most friendly co-operation in preserving peace. We have no ambition beyond the
desire to live honorably and let others live honorably.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">“Today is Jummat-ul-Wida,
last Friday of the holy month of Ramazan, a day of rejoicing for all of us
wherever we may be in this vast sub-continent and for the matter of that
throughout the world. Let the Muslim congregations in their thousands, in all
the mosques, bow in all humility before the Almighty and thank Him for His
eternal kindness and generosity, seeking His guidance and assistance in the
task of making Pakistan into a great State and themselves into its worthy
citizens.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">“Finally, let me tell you,
fellow citizens, Pakistan is a land of great potential resources. But to build
it up into a country worthy of the Muslim nation, we shall require every ounce
of energy that we possess and I am confident that it will come from all
whole-heartedly.”<br />
Pakistan Zindabad!<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">“I know there are people who
do not quite agree with the division of India and the partition of the Punjab
and Bengal. Much has been said against it, but now that it has been accepted,
it is the duty of every one of us to loyally abide by it and honourably act
according to the agreement which is now final and binding on all. But you must
remember, as I have said, that this mighty revolution that has taken place is
unprecedented. One can quite understand the feeling the exists between the two
communities wherever one community is in majority and the other is in minority.
But the question is whether it was possible or practicable to act otherwise
than has been done. A division had to take place. On both sides, in Hindustan
and Pakistan, there are sections of people who may not agree with it, who may
not like it, but in my judgment there was no other solution and I am sure
future history will record its verdict in favour of it. And what is more it
will be proved by actual experience as we go on that that was the only solution
of India’s constitutional problem. Any idea of a United India could never have
worked and in my judgment it would have led us to terrific disaster. May be
that view is correct ; may be it is not; that remains to be seen. All the same,
in this division it was impossible to avoid the question of minorities being in
one Dominion or the other. Now that was unavoidable. There is no other
solution. Now what shall we do? Now, if we want to make this great State of
Pakistan happy and prosperous we should wholly and solely concentrate on the
well-being of the people, and especially of the masses and the poor. If you
will work in co-operation, forgetting the past, burying the hatchet you are
bound to succeed. If you change your past and work together in a spirit that
every one of you, no matter to what community he belongs, no matter what
relations he had with you in the past, no matter what is his colour, caste or
creed, is first, second and last a citizen of this State with equal rights,
privileges and obligations, there will be no end to the progress you will make.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">I cannot emphasize it too
much. We should begin to work in that spirit and in course of time all these
angularities of the majority and minority communities the Hindu community and
the Muslim community-because even as regards Muslims you have Pathans,
Punjabies, Shias, Sunnis and so on and among the Hindus you have Brahmins,
Vashnvas, Khatris, also Bengalis, Madrasis, and so on-will vanish. Indeed if
you ask me this has been the biggest hindrance in the way of India to attain
the freedom and independence and but for this we would have been free peoples
long long ago. No power can hold another nation, and specially a nation of 400
million souls in subjection ; nobody could have conquered you, and even if it
had happened, nobody could have continued its hold on you for any length of
time but for this. Therefore we must learn a lesson from this. You are free ;
you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to
any other places of worship in this State of Pakistan. You may belong to any
religion or caste or creed-that has nothing to do with the business of the
State. As you know, history shows that in England conditions some time ago were
much worse than those prevailing in India today. The Roman Catholics and the
Protestants persecuted each other. Even now there are some State in existence
where there are discriminations made and bars imposed against a particular class.
Thank God we are not starting in those days. We are starting in the days when
there is no discrimination, no distinction between one community and another,
no discrimination between one caste or creed and another. We are starting with
this fundamental principle that we are all citizens and equal citizens of one
state. The people of England in course of time had to face the realities of the
situation and had to discharge the responsibilities and burdens placed upon
them by the Government of their country and they went through that fire step by
step. Today you might say with justice that Roman Catholic and Protestants do
not exists ; what exists now is that every man is a citizen, an equal citizen,
of Great Britain and they are all members of the Nation.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Now, I think we should keep
that in front of us as our ideal and you will find that in course of time
Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in
the religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but
in the political sense as citizens of the State.(3)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Reflect upon this;<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">In 1998 MR. Roe Dad Khan,
reflected on editorial page of Dawn;<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">“Pakistan has lapsed into
languor, a spiritless lassitude. A sense of guilt, shame, danger and anxiety
hangs over the country like a pall. It appears as if we are on a phantom train
that is gathering momentum and we cannot get off. Today Pakistan is a silent,
mournful land where few people talk of the distant future and most live from
day to day. They see themselves as ordinary and unimportant, their suffering
too common to be noted and prefer to bury their pain.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Pakistan is in a deep, deep,
hole. When will it follow the first rule of holes? When you are in a hole, stop
digging. Unfortunately the hole Pakistan has dug itself into is really, really,
deep. The problem for us is that you feel you are in a hole and you want to get
out, and you hear all those noises, and all that activity, but you feel very
much alone, with no one out there really wanting to stretch back to you and
help you out. The country suffers from a malignant disease, but people think it
is just a cold, so they continue taking small does of medicine and wonder why
it still hurts.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">And also this;<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Independence Day, 14th
August 2007 General Pervez Musharraf said,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">“To all who care about
Pakistan Our country has come a long way since its independence. Recently
included in the global “next 11” emerging economies. Pakistan is on a sure and
sustainable macro-economic footing with investment and entrepreneurial activities
spreading across sectors. The last six years have witnessed a radical
transformation of the socio-economic landscape of the country. The economic
upsurge can be seen permeating down to the welfare and quality of life of the
people.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The Government hopes to
sustain this trend.” (4)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">May Allah Give us the
Sagacity, Wisdom and Vision of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinah<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">About the author: Amicus is
the pseudonym of Advocate Mohammed Yousuf. Has written extensively on Islam and
Islamist Militancy.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">(1) http://www.geocities.com/sadna_gupta/Extra1C_Jinnahspeeches4345.html<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Interview to a
representative of the Associated Press of America, clarifying various aspects
of Pakistan, Bombay, November 8, 1945(full text)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">(2) http://forum.chatdd.com/freedom-speech/858-jinnah-s-independence-day-speech.html<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">(3) Dawn (11 August, 2006<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">(4) http://missions.itu.int/~pakistan/2005_Statements/P_PM_FM/stpresind_14aug07.htm<o:p></o:p></span></div>
Mohammed Yousuf, (Advocate)http://www.blogger.com/profile/02644165187785886133noreply@blogger.com4tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7952916163469380640.post-3388967894556146302017-06-29T14:52:00.003+05:002017-06-29T14:52:33.345+05:00100 Days Elections Pakistan 2008<br />
<b style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;">100 Days</span></b><br />
<b style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;">By Amicus.</span></b><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The
popular verdict of 18 February 2008 was clear: the people had overwhelmingly
rejected General Musharraf’s policies that, in the name of ‘war on terror’, had
plunged the FATA and NWFP into a war-like situation and, despite all tall
claims about economic progress, had greatly widened the gulf between the rich
and the poor. The people had also shown strong disapproval of Musharraf’s
sacking of the superior court judges and the Proclamation of Emergency on 3
November 2007.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">When
on 24 March 2008, the National Assembly elected the PPP candidate Makhdoom Yusuf
Raza Gilani as the Prime Minister, the hall resounded with the slogans of ‘Jiay
Bhutto’ and ‘Go Musharraf Go’ and when the Prime Minister ordered the release
of the ‘deposed’ judges, the applause was deafening. The majority of the
elected representatives had expressed the sentiments of their electorates, viz:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<ul style="margin-top: 0in;" type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l11 level1 lfo1; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">‘Restoration’
of the pre-PCO judiciary<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l11 level1 lfo1; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Exit
of General (Retd) Pervez Musharraf <o:p></o:p></span></li>
</ul>
<div style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">On
29 March 2008 Yusuf Raza Gilani secured a unanimous vote of confidence from the
National Assembly. On the floor of the House he declared that his government
was not afraid of “innumerable challenges” that it would have to face and that
“the restoration of law and order and total elimination of terrorism” would be
its first priority. He identified unemployment, inflation and poverty as the
second most pressing problem for his government. Referring to the crises with
which the country was beset, the Prime Minister placed the problems of
electricity, water, flour and high prices at the top and admitted that no
immediate solution to these problems was possible.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">In
his address to the National Assembly on the occasion, he announced a number of
steps that his government intended to take, including:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<ul style="margin-top: 0in;" type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l4 level1 lfo2; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Negotiations
with “all those people who will lay down arms and adopt the path of peace.”
<o:p></o:p></span></li>
</ul>
<ul style="margin-top: 0in;" type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l16 level1 lfo3; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Repeal
of the Frontier Crime Regulations of 1901 that are still applicable to
FATA.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
</ul>
<ul style="margin-top: 0in;" type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Repeal
of Industrial Relations Order 2002 that imposes curbs on trade union
activities.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
</ul>
<ul style="margin-top: 0in;" type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l7 level1 lfo5; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Revival
of student unions.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
</ul>
<ul style="margin-top: 0in;" type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l10 level1 lfo6; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Formation
of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission to promote national
reconciliation, particularly in Balochistan where excesses have been
committed.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
</ul>
<ul style="margin-top: 0in;" type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l9 level1 lfo7; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Abolition
of Concurrent List of the Constitution to devolve more powers to the
provinces.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
</ul>
<ul style="margin-top: 0in;" type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo8; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Framing
of a new freedom of information law and making of Pakistan Media
Regulatory Authority (Pemra) a subsidiary of the Information Ministry.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
</ul>
<ul style="margin-top: 0in;" type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l6 level1 lfo9; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Bringing
of National Accountability Bureau under the control of the judiciary.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
</ul>
<ul style="margin-top: 0in;" type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l15 level1 lfo10; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Creation
of an Employment Commission to provide jobs in private and public
sectors.Launching of a National Employment Scheme in 50 per cent of
districts to provide job to at least one person from every family. <o:p></o:p></span></li>
</ul>
<ul style="margin-top: 0in;" type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo11; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Establishment
of a Literacy and Health Corporation to provide jobs to young people for
two years after graduation.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
</ul>
<ul style="margin-top: 0in;" type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l14 level1 lfo12; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Construction
of more power plants and small dams for energy and irrigation purposes and
taking of energy conservation measures.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
</ul>
<ul style="margin-top: 0in;" type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l3 level1 lfo13; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Setting
up of a Madressah Welfare Authority to prescribe in consultation with the
stake-holders a uniform syllabus for madressahs and to audit their funds.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
</ul>
<ul style="margin-top: 0in;" type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l5 level1 lfo14; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Building
of a million housing units every year for low-income groups. Launching of
five-marla schemes in villages where state land is available and of
schemes to provide flats and 80 square yards plots to homeless in cities.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
</ul>
<ul style="margin-top: 0in;" type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l12 level1 lfo15; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Adoption
of several austerity measures, including cut in the budget of the Prime
Minister House by 40% and ban on renovation of government buildings and
residences.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
</ul>
<ul style="margin-top: 0in;" type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l13 level1 lfo16; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Hundred
days after the unveiling of the above-mentioned ambitious plan the
government’s performance does not appear up to the mark in making progress
towards the achievement of most of its goals. <o:p></o:p></span></li>
</ul>
<div style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Let
us see where the government actually stands:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">During
the election campaign all the parties except the MQM and PMLQ, had declared
their support for the lawyers’ movement. Before her assassination Benazir
Bhutto had publicly demanded the ‘restoration’ of the pre-PCO judiciary and
visited the Judges Colony as a gesture of support. BB’s wish notwithstanding,
the ‘restoration’ of judiciary has not taken place. The PPP has backed out from
the Murree Accord / Bhurban Declaration concluded by Asif Ali Zardari and Nawaz
Sharif which contemplated ‘reinstatement’ of ‘deposed’ judges within a month
through a resolution of the National Assembly followed by an executive order. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The
PPP has assumed the position, (ironically rightly so), that this can only be
done through a constitutional amendment, which it has made a component of its
proposed ‘constitutional package’. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The
PPP has taken the stand that the individuals are not important and it wants to
ensure the independence of judiciary as an institution. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">However,
the PPP’s proposed constitutional package provides for restriction on the
Supreme Court’s power to take up matters of “general public importance” suo
motu. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">It
also provides for fixation of the tenure of the Chief Justice of Pakistan. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">By
making it conditional that the ‘restoration’ of judiciary and that too after
retaining the post- PCO judges can only take place if the constitutional
package is passed by the Parliament, the PPP has betrayed its intention of not
reinstating Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry as the Chief justice of Pakistan. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The
payment of salaries to the pre-PCO judges and budgetary provision for 29
Supreme Court judges, appears to be an ad-hoc measure to cool down the lawyers’
movement and gain time. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">But
this policy has put the PPP-PML (N) coalition in danger. The PML (N) has
withdrawn from the federal government creating uncertainty about the future of
present dispensation.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The
PPP’s proposed constitutional package provides for giving validity to the
Proclamation of Emergency of 3 November 2007 and actions taken under it,
including the Provisional Constitution Order. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Under
pressure of public opinion the PPP leaders claim that they do not consider
Musharraf as lawfully elected President but are not prepared to do anything to
remove him. The PPP does not want to jeopardize its ‘deal’ with Musharraf under
which it had agreed to accept Musharraf as President and Musharraf on his part
promulgated the so-called National Reconciliation Ordinance to clear the PPP
leadership of all corruption charges.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">On
the issue of ‘war on terror’, it seems that some qualitative change has taken
place because of the policy of the NWFP government led by the ANP and due to
the fact that the cost of military operation against the Taliban has proved to
be unbearable. Otherwise there is not an iota of difference between the
approaches of Musharraf and the PPP on the issue. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">In
his address of 29 March 2008, Prime Minister Gilani had stated: “The war against
terrorism is our own war because countless of our innocent children and jawans
have fallen martyrs as a result of it.” <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">He
conveniently forgot that these jawans were killed while fighting the American
war. The premise that the so-called ‘war on terror’ is our war is reflective of
the policy which was categorically rejected by the people on 18 February. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The
Prime Minister had promised in the same speech that his government would
announce a new package for the tribal areas as an “important pillar of our strategy
in the war against terrorism”; however, to this date it has failed to come up
with any such package. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Hailing
the announcement of the Chief of the Army Staff General Ashfaq Pervaiz Kayani
that the army personnel would be recalled from civilian departments, Gilani had
stated: “It is necessary for the solidarity and progress of the country that
every institution fulfils its specific responsibilities.” He had added,
“Governance is the responsibility of only the people.” <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">However,
with regard to FATA, the Democratic Government has abdicated or conveniently
passed on the ultimate authority, (one may say the buck) to deal with the
militants, to the army chief. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<ul style="margin-top: 0in;" type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l8 level1 lfo17; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">No
repeal of the Frontier Crime Regulations has taken place. The FATA is
still subject to this colonial and archaic piece of legislation.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l8 level1 lfo17; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">No
repeal of Industrial Relations Order 2002 has taken place. The
restrictions on trade union activities exist as before.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l8 level1 lfo17; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Although
ban on student unions has been lifted, the conditions do not appear
conducive for holding of elections in educational institutions.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l8 level1 lfo17; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">No
progress has been made towards the formation of a Truth and Reconciliation
Commission. The idea derived from South African experience would have
enabled the nation to realize its past mistakes, in particular in dealing
with the Balochistan situation. Although the government has released some
Baloch leaders, much is needed to be done.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l8 level1 lfo17; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The
PPP has proposed renaming of the NWFP as Pakhtunistan and included this
proposal in its constitutional package, but the matter rests there.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l8 level1 lfo17; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Virtually
no debate is going on concerning the abolition of the Concurrent List of
subjects. If there is sincerity of intention, it is not necessary that
every amendment should be made through a ‘constitutional package’. <o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l8 level1 lfo17; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Except
for Eighth, Thirteenth and Seventeenth Amendments which were packages, all
other amendments to the Constitution of 1973 were issue specific.
Constitutional matters on which a general agreement is forged can be
isolated from the proposed constitutional package and passed as separate
amendments.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l8 level1 lfo17; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Although
the Pemra laws have been amended, there has been no freedom of information
law on anvil.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l8 level1 lfo17; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">NAB
has not been placed under the control of judiciary.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l8 level1 lfo17; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">There
has been no visible progress towards creation of Employment Commission or
Literacy and Health Corporation. No launching of National Employment
scheme is in sight.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l8 level1 lfo17; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The
energy conservation program is not working satisfactorily. The
construction of more power plants and dams is a long term issue. The
government has announced it would not proceed with the construction of the
Kaka Bagh dam.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l8 level1 lfo17; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The
Madressah Welfare Authority has not been set up. The ulema have already
rejected the idea of any such authority.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l8 level1 lfo17; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">On
the positive side, the government has only taken some austerity measures,
including a 30% cut in the budget of the PM House. It has raised the
minimum salary in public sector to Rs 6000 and given a 20% increase in
running basic salaries and a 100% increase in conveyance allowance of the
public sector employees which is a joke in the face of inflation that has
gone out of control.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
</ul>
<div style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The
cost of energy and food items is rising without respite, whereas the value of
rupee is steadily declining and $ is now worth Rs 73. Due to a 30% increase in
gas price, the textile mills have threatened to shut down and the transporters
are clamoring for a rise in fare.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The
internal security situation is grave. The law and order has nearly collapsed.
The FATA and NWFP are in turmoil. There has been no let up in the insurgency in
Balochistan. The stock exchanges are on a downward slide. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">There
is a constant outflow of capital to foreign countries. Industrialization is on
a standstill. Poverty is on increase, abject reality all around.. Unemployment
is rampant. Suicide rates have doubled over the last couple of months. Pakistan
will become a hell for the poor if subsidies on fuel and food are withdrawn by
the end of the year as envisaged by the government.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">On a
different note, in the absence of a serious repair job, through political means
and immediate substantial economic inputs \ from the Government in the Tribal
Area and FATA, Pakistan is fast heading towards radicalization of vast parts of
its society, leading to societal conflicts, erosion of writ of the State,
chaotic conditions and collapse of established order.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">At
the end of its first hundred days in power, the PPP-led coalition gives the
impression of a ship adrift in the high sea without a sense of direction.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">At a
time when the dire need of Pakistan is to have a strong leadership, it has a President
who has fallen from grace, a Prime Minister who lacks authority, a Parliament
that has chosen to remain insecure and a Judiciary, waiting to be resurrected.
100 days shows, how people have been empowered to be the beasts of Burdon.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The
people are aghast to see the ship without a captain. They are clueless as to
whether someone is steering the ship or it is being remotely controlled from
Washington, DC, or is headed in the dire straits.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<br />
<br />Mohammed Yousuf, (Advocate)http://www.blogger.com/profile/02644165187785886133noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7952916163469380640.post-4142802922455534102012-10-17T11:49:00.000+05:002012-10-17T11:49:56.584+05:00Pakistan: The state Of the federation<h2>
Pakistan: The state Of the federation</h2>
<small>By <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/author/amicus/" title="Posts by amicus">amicus</a> • Oct 17th, 2012 • Category: <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/category/lead/" rel="category tag" title="View all posts in Lead Story">Lead Story</a> •3 Comments </small><br />
<div class="entry">
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Faced with multiple challenges and crises, the state of Pakistan is passing through the most critical phase of its history since 1970-71.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The performance record of the present government is abysmally poor. But it is also difficult to be optimistic about the future.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">One wonders:</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Will the law and order situation allow the general elections to take place by or in the spring of 2013?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Will the political leadership and/or military establishment consider it appropriate to proceed with the holding of free and fair general elections regardless of what are the poll-results?</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Will the outcome of the general elections, if they are held, strengthen the federation or prove ominous for the country?</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">What option is likely to be availed if the general elections are postponed indefinitely?</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">These are some of the questions that agitate the mind. There are so many aspects and dimensions of the current situation and so many perspectives to look at it from that one finds it quite difficult to speculate about what is in the store. At times state institutions and government functionaries are seen working at cross purposes. Nevertheless an attempt to understand some of the complex issues is worth making: </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">ARMY’S ROLE</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The year 2008 seemed a watershed in Pakistan’s history. A fresh beginning was made after the general elections and exit of General Pervez Musharraf from the corridors of power. Chief of the Army Staff General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani pledged not to interfere in the politics of the country and let the politicians perform their job. The civil society appeared assertive and strong. On the restoration of pre-November 2007 Supreme Court, it appeared that at last a new era of the supremacy of constitution and the rule of law might dawn in Pakistan.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">However, slowly and gradually it became clear that Kayani had failed to fulfill his solemn promise. Be that the issue of Raymond David or Memogate, meteoric rise of the Pakistan Tehrik-i-Insaf (PTI)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>or alleged formation of the Defa-i-Pakistan Council (DPC), disruption of NATO supplies after the Salala incident or resumption of these supplies in disregard of the conditions framed by the Parliament, behind the scene maneuvering of the military establishment was visible. It proved that the military’s national security paradigm had not changed.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Whether one likes it or not, though in somewhat diluted form, the reality of the army’s omnipresence is very much there. Bribing the politicians or threatening them with dire consequences is a small thing. It seems the military establishment defines certain objectives in ‘national interest’ and in order to achieve them adopts all means at its disposal, including extra-judicial killings. One is bound to suspect the security agencies’ hands in some of the ‘terror’ incidents that are attributed to particular groups or elements to bring bad name to them. In the age of electronic media it has become easier to mold or give a particular direction to public opinion. The military establishment has sufficient funds and some implanted personnel in media groups to fulfill its agenda. But then there are also people in the media groups who seem to receive funds from foreign powers and are vocal in.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">What hurts the military establishment is that the United States wants to rein in the ISI that is the architect of the policy of hunting with the hound and running with the hare. It seems there are also people in the media groups who receive funds from foreign powers to paint the security agencies in extremely bad color. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">BALOCHISTAN</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">One of the most serious challenges faced by the Pakistani federation is how to deal with the insurgency in Balochistan province, a region which has become the hotbed of foreign powers’ rivalry because of its geopolitical and strategic significance. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Balochistan has the potentials to serve as a transit trade route and energy corridor to and from the Central Asian Republics via Afghanistan. The development of the Gwadar Port and the prospect of Chinese presence on the Arabian Sea near the mouth of the Gulf is a source of much discomfort to the United States. As long as the NATO/ISAF forces are stationed in Afghanistan, Balochistan offers one of the important supply routes to cater to their needs. Obviously India and the United States dislike involvement of China in Balochistan, particularly in Gwadar Port. Perhaps there is sufficient evidence with Pakistan’s security agencies to suggest that India and the United States are fomenting trouble in Balochistan to hinder progress on mega projects underway with Chinese cooperation. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The Baloch people have a long list of grievances which are mostly just and well-known and need not be repeated here. Lately the issue has started getting internationalized. A few months ago some US Congressmen raised it and condemned Pakistan government and law enforcement/security agencies for their high-handedness in dealing with the Baloch people.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Recently a UN working group was here on a fact-finding mission. It visited several Pakistani cities and held meetings with politicians, government functionaries and the family members of the missing persons who have allegedly been picked up by the military-controlled security agencies. There are also cases of the persons who were allegedly taken into custody by these agencies and whose death bodies were later found under mysterious circumstances. The UN working group is to submit its report to the UN Human Rights Council.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">To political observers’ utter surprise, Sardar Akhtar Jan Mengal returned to Pakistan in September from self-imposed exile to depose before the Supreme Court in the law and order and human rights violation case. His Six-Point Charter which he presented on the occasion is virtually an indictment of the military establishment and representative of Baloch people’s perception. Mengal’s Six-Point Charter says:</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">1.<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>All covert and overt military operations against Baloch people should be ended immediately.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">2.<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>All missing persons should be produced before the court of law.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">3.<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>All proxy death squads operating in a manner like Al Shams and Al Badar operated (in Bangladesh) allegedly under the supervision of Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and Military Intelligence (MI) should be disbanded.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">4.<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Baloch political parties should be allowed to function and resume their political activities without any interference from intelligence agencies.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">5.<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Persons responsible for inhuman torture, killing and dumping of bodies of Baloch political leaders and activists should be brought to justice.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">6.<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Measures should be initiated for rehabilitation of thousands of displaced Baloch living in appalling condition.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Although Sardar Mengal compared his Six-Point Charter with Sheikh Mujib-ur Rehman’s Six Points on the basis of which the Awami League had contested the general elections of December 1970, this comparison is not valid because Sheikh Mujib’s Six Points had provided for a constitutional scheme that would have safeguarded the political and economic interests of erstwhile East Pakistan whereas Sardar Mengal’s Six points lack any such content.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">According to Sardar Mengal, “general amnesty, development packages and apologies” would not work and Pakistan Government should negotiate with true representatives and not “manufactured” representatives of the Baloch people.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Although in the eyes of neutral observers Mengal’s indictment has much substance, Pakistan Government and the military establishment have rejected them in totality, implying that non-state actors and/or foreign agents are responsible for killings and forced disappearances in Balochistan or that some of the missing persons have actually left their homes to join various anti-state outfits like Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA). </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">It is clear from Sardar Mengal’s statement that the devolution of power under the Eighteenth Amendment, the Seventh National Finance Commission Award and the Aghaz-e-Huqooq-e-Balochistan Programme are not sufficient steps to settle the Balochistan issue. Some bold initiative needs to be taken.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The ISPR quoted Chief of the Army Staff as having said: “Army fully supports any political process as long as it is within the Constitution.” It is said that the ISPR wanted to dispel the impression that the army was an impediment in a political solution of the Balochistan issue. Thanks to the Army Chief. One could have asked: Is it the business of the Army Chief to comment on a political issue? Is patriotism the exclusive monopoly of the armed forces? Is it not that the Army Chief had to clarify his position because the army is very much involved in the matter? But then, as stated above, the army’s role is a hard reality of Pakistani politics which one has to admit perforce. By making this unguarded comment the Army Chief has also accepted by implication that Pakistan’s territorial integrity is at stake.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The security agencies’ misdeeds in Balochistan have been thoroughly exposed during hearing of the law and order and human rights violation case in the Supreme Court. The Interim Order of the Supreme Court issued on October 12, 2012 admits that the situation in Balochistan is extremely grim. It says that the provincial government has failed to establish the writ of law and has lost the authority to govern the province in accordance with the Constitution. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The Order adds that except for deploying the Frontier Corps troops, the Federal Government has not taken any effective measures to protect the province from internal disturbances. The Supreme Court has referred to Federal Government’s responsibility under Article 148 (3) of the Constitution. This article says: “It shall be the duty of the Federation to protect every Province against external aggression and internal disturbances and to ensure that the Government of every Province is carried on in accordance with the provision of the Constitution.”</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Apparently the Supreme Court is exhorting the Federal Government for some type of direct intervention in Balochistan.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Now if free and fair elections are held in Balochistan, allowing the Baloch nationalists/separatists or their nominees/proxies to participate in them as demanded by Mengal, it is very likely that they would secure majority in the provincial assembly and acquire the status of legitimate representatives of the Baloch people. What if after winning the elections they become reluctant to arrive at a settlement within the framework of the Constitution and announce to part ways. (Remember Awami League’s mandate of1970-71) This is not an unlikely scenario considering the fact that the United States and India are opposed to China’s role in Balochistan and may seek its secession by encouraging the separatists.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">In view of the seriousness of the situation, it is necessary that some viable understanding is arrived at with the separatists/nationalists before they are allowed to contest the elections. Sardar Mengal is relatively moderate and may serve as a mediator between Pakistan Government/military establishment and the separatists/nationalists or his party may be facilitated during the elections.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">It is also important that the limits of tolerance of the United States and India should be taken into consideration while giving any foothold to China in Balochistan. When elephants fight grass is crushed.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">If no steps are taken, the Balochistan issue would continue to haunt the country. Pakistan Armed Forces would continue to confront insurgency. The Baloch nationalists would continue to target armed forces personnel and Punjabi settlers. The mega projects would remain unimplemented. The foreign powers would have a fertile ground to interfere and Pakistan’s territorial integrity would remain at stake.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Another serious problem in Balochistan is that of sectarianism. It is the fault of Pakistan government that it did not take proper and timely cognizance of the turf war between Saudi Arabia and Iran on its soil. Soon after the Iranian Revolution of 1979, the conservative Arab Kingdoms and Sheikhdoms had made it incumbent upon themselves to contain the impact of revolutionary and populist ideas from spreading to neighboring countries and to prevent emergence of any Shia bloc under the leadership of Iran in the Middle East. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Since early 1980s, Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates have been funding Sunni militant outfits to counter and suppress Shia community in Pakistan. The Hazara of Balochistan, who profess Shia version of Islam, have become regular victims of target killing.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The sectarian conflict has virtually divided the areas of Quetta, the capital of Balochistan, between Sunni Pakhtuns and Shia Hazaras. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">It is the responsibility of Pakistan Government de jure and of the military establishment de facto to address the issue of sectarianism with heavy hand and simultaneously communicate to the governments of Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates and Iran that interference in Pakistan’s internal affairs is unacceptable.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>KHYBER PAKHTUNKHWA AND FATA</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Before the Musharraf government took U-turn in Pakistan’s Afghanistan policy in September 2001, the situation in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and FATA was stable. Despite the presence of a large number of local Taliban and foreign militants, including Al-Qaeda elements, the tribal belt was peaceful. The Taliban were supposed to play an important role in Pakistan’s push for strategic depth and one could recognize the friends and foes. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">By the end of 2003, Pakistan Armed Forces were at war with Al-Qaeda and some Taliban groups based in the tribal region. Since then there have been no respites – barring the intervals when peace agreements were in place in FATA – for Pakistan Armed Forces whose personnel and installations have become coveted targets of the militants. These militants view Pakistan Armed Forces as an ally of the infidel power – the United States – and therefore a legitimate target of attacks.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The people of Pakistan were vehemently opposed to the post 9/11 occupation of Afghanistan by the US-led coalition forces. To be in the camp of the United States was against their ideological moorings. In order to turn them against the Taliban, it was necessary that the image of the Taliban be distorted and the Taliban should be made to adopt policies that alienated the people of Pakistan. The Taliban who had been shocked by the treachery of Pakistan Government and faced the fire-power of the Pakistan Armed Forces, whom hitherto they had considered a reliable friend, became an easy prey. They failed to maintain their unity and the CIA and RAW agents within their ranks were able to create staunchly anti-Pakistan Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The anti-Pakistan factions of Taliban have undergone a change of character. The Deobandi influence has subsided and the TTP is infested with Khwarij and Takfiri elements. They attack Pakistan Armed Forces personnel, Barelvi and Shias. They target mazars and imam bargahs without qualms. They consider those who oppose their brand of Islam as kafirs, muhsriks and murtads. They are responsible for suicide attacks and bomb explosions at public places. They are the ‘bad’ Taliban, nay terrorists. But it was the U-turn in Pakistan’s Afghanistan policy that led to the stage where Pakistan faces what is a ‘fitna’ in religious parlance<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">But then otherwise ‘moderate’ Muslims are also getting radicalized due to regular US drone attacks inside Pakistani territory that kill a lot of innocent people including women and children. The US policy in the Middle East, inhuman treatment meted out to the inmates of Guantanamo Bay and erstwhile Abu Gharaib and Bagram prisons, publication of blasphemous caricatures, disrespect shown to Holy Quran by US soldiers stationed in Afghanistan, production of blasphemous film “Innocence of Muslims” and the like events that recur to infuriate common Muslims. Some of them are influenced by international Islamic movements and consider it their religious obligation to cooperate with the anti-US militants. No surprise that militants who attacked the GHQ, the Mehran base and the Karma base had their supporters within these installations. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The Taliban are not a monolithic body. The Afghan Taliban still demonstrate admirable restraint and want to be on friendly terms with Pakistan. The Haqqani group is unmistakably pro-Pakistan. But the end to militancy by the TTP is not in sight. Pakistan needs to open negotiations with them. They may be assured that Pakistan Armed Forces would cause no harm to them. Peace agreements should be concluded afresh with solemnity. Otherwise the blunder committed in September 2001 will take indefinite toll. Military operations will further radicalize them and swell their ranks. They may declare establishment of an independent Islamic Emirate in the region. The Pakistan Armed Forces would be sucked into a protracted and unwinnable war. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">If general elections are held in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and FATA, the Awami National Party (ANP) is likely to be routed because of its pro-military establishment posturing and due to rampant corruption that has marred its government. The PTI may emerge as the largest party because of its anti-Americanism and consistent opposition of drone attacks, provided it is able to properly organize itself before the polls. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">SINDH</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">In Sindh, it is essentially the nature of relationship between various ethnic groups, in particular the Sindhis and Mohajirs that deserves special attention.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">One very sensible thing that the Musharraf government had done was the formation of Karachi City District Government (KCDG) which was a compromise between outright subordination of Karachi’s administrative set up to Sindhi-dominated provincial government and creation of a separate province likely to be dominated by the Mohajirs.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Although under an arrangement the Muttahida Qaumi Movement had remained on the side lines when first elections for the KCDG were held, it showed restraint and Karachi became a peaceful city. After the induction of MQM-led KCDG, a lot of development work was done and it seemed that the good old days of Karachi might return back.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">In the aftermath of the general elections of 2008, the MQM became a coalition partner of the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) at the federal and provincial levels but could not save the KCDG. Karachi as the hub of country’s commercial activities has a unique charm. Its prime and costly land attracts those who have opportunity to grab it by fair or foul means. The PPP was not prepared to leave Karachi in the hands of the MQM. It planned to have a strong foothold in down town Karachi.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Cornered by the PPP’s tacit understanding with the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) not to wean the MQM, and faced with a continuous influx of Pakhtuns that strengthened the ANP in parts of Karachi, the MQM failed to influence the PPP’s policy with its usual tactics. Under the patronage of the PPP Provincial Minister Zulfiqar Mirza, the People’s Peace Committee began encroaching upon the areas in old city where previously the MQM had its sway. Simultaneously the PPP government ignored the ANP’s growing power in areas where there was substantial Pashtun presence. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">During last four years, the MQM’s hold on Karachi has got somewhat diluted. Karachi has become a theatre of target killings in which workers of the MQM, the PPP, the ANP and others lose their lives regularly. Simultaneously, sectarian killings also continue side by side which is particularly disturbing for the MQM because its appeal on the basis of Mohajir identity transcends sectarian divide. Any Sunni-Shia conflict is bound to weaken the MQM more than any other party. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The MQM understands that the population of Pakhtuns and Punjabis is swelling in Karachi to the detriment of the Mohajirs. It realizes that a perpetual Sindhi-Mohajir alliance can help the two communities – they have no other place to go – to protect Sindh’s interests otherwise the continuous influx of the Pakhtuns and Punjabis would become a threat to domination of Sindhis also.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">It is only recently that as a part of its electoral strategy the PPP changed its stance and agreed to promulgate Sindh People’s Local Government Ordinance 2012. The new law provides for establishment of metropolitan corporations in urban Sindh: Karachi, Hyderabad, Sukkur, Larkhana and Mirpur Khas. This has provided some solace to the MQM. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">However, the Sindhi nationalists – most of them are on the pay roll of Punjab-dominated security agencies – have started a campaign against the SPLGO 2012, representing it as the harbinger of division of Sindh, and vilifying the PPP as a party which is working against the interests of Sindh. The way they incite the Sindhis and appeal to their emotions is a threat to the peace and tranquility of the province.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The PPP public meeting in Khairpur was attacked leaving seven persons dead. There have been threats and grenade/cracker attacks on the houses of the PPP legislators. Who could have been be the master-mind, less said is better. If there is any further breakdown of law and order in the province, it would become difficult to hold fair and free elections in some parts of Sindh.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Although the Sindhi nationalists have considerable nuisance value, the vote bank of the PPP is quite solid. Some erosion in it would be compensated by the support of the Mohajirs if the PPP and the MQM are able to form an electoral alliance.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Allah forbid, if centrifugal forces become strong or at any stage in future the PPP irreclaimably loses support base in Punjab to get restricted to Sindh, the MQM-PPP alliance may pose yet another threat to the territorial integrity of Pakistan. It is in the interest of the country that the parties that have some base and support in all units of the federation survive rather they thrive as connecting link between provinces.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">PUNJAB</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">At present, Punjab poses least problem. The PML (N) has governed it in a far better way than any other provincial government. Considerable development work has taken place. Had there been no power outages and gas shortages, Punjab would have flourished remarkably. The PML (N) has foresight to facilitate business with Indian Punjab. Obviously security agencies are on board as if only Punjabis own certificate of patriotism.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The PPP was reluctant to hold general elections in September-October to avoid backlash as a result of energy crisis. The PPP has now concentrated on improving supply of electricity to Punjab on priority basis. Reportedly there has been some improvement in electricity supply.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">As an electioneering plank, the PPP has called for creation of a Saraiki or South Punjab Province. Probably it had thought that the PML (N) would be embarrassed. But the PML (N) came up with the idea of making Bahawalpur, which was once a Princely State, a province. Still the PPP is likely to reap benefit for its slogan of Saraiki province.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">In the general elections, the PPP and PML (Q) are likely to field joint candidates. The PPP has considerable support in Saraiki region. In other parts the PML (N) is quite strong. But the main challenge to both the PPP and the PML (N) is likely to come from the PTI. Overall the PML (N) seems to have an upper hand. Much depends on Jamaat-i-Islami (JI). If it forms alliance with the PTI, the PML (N) would be in real difficulty. Ultimately, Punjab would decide who wins Islamabad.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">FINAL WORDS<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Getting cue from the past one feels that the Civil and military establishment would like the general elections to be postponed for at least three years. But presently the army is not in a position to take over the government directly. Leaving aside constitutional niceties, it would prefer a government of technocrats in the saddle in Islamabad that is amenable to its advice and directions.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The politicians, in and out of parliament, would like the general elections to take place by March 2013. But what is expected is a hung parliament with the PML (N), the PTI and the PPP getting major slices of the cake.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">May be a better solution is to have general elections on time with, if at all necessary, then formation of a national government with the backing of the Pakistan Armed Forces.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> <img alt="pakistan-federation1" class="aligncenter size-full wp-image-33098" src="http://www.pkhope.com/wp-content/themes/mimbo2.2/images/pakistan-federation1.bmp" title="pakistan-federation1" /></span></div>
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Mohammed Yousuf, (Advocate)http://www.blogger.com/profile/02644165187785886133noreply@blogger.com127tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7952916163469380640.post-84784924670156832702012-09-13T14:52:00.001+05:002012-09-13T14:52:57.530+05:00<h2>
PPP-MQM accord on the structure of local government in Sindh.</h2>
<small>By <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/author/amicus/" title="Posts by amicus">amicus</a> • Sep 13th, 2012 • Category: <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/category/lead/" rel="category tag" title="View all posts in Lead Story">Lead Story</a> •One Response </small><br />
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<ins style="border: currentColor; display: inline-table; height: 280px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; visibility: visible; width: 336px;"><ins id="aswift_0_anchor" style="border: currentColor; display: block; height: 280px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; visibility: visible; width: 336px;"><iframe allowtransparency="true" frameborder="0" height="280" hspace="0" id="aswift_0" marginheight="0" marginwidth="0" name="aswift_0" scrolling="no" style="left: 0px; position: absolute; top: 0px;" vspace="0" width="336"></iframe></ins></ins>Although MQM had joined the Sindh and Federal Governments as a coalition partner of the PPP after the general elections of 2008, it seemed helpless when it was deprived of the Karachi City District Government formed under the Local Government Ordinance of 2001.<br />
Perhaps there was some tacit understanding between the PPP and the PML (N) not to allow the MQM to take undue advantage of its bargaining position and this greatly restricted the MQM’s options in dealing with the PPP.<br />
The MQM did not succeed to impress upon the PPP the need to continue with the system of city government in Karachi, introduced by the Local Government Ordinance of 2001, which offered a good, midway and viable solution between an administration controlled by the Sindh Government and making Karachi a separate province.<br />
The promulgation of Sindh People’s Local Government Ordinance 2012 on September 7, which appears to be a combination of the local government systems provided in the ordinances of 1979 and 2001, has led to speculation about the selection of its timing and purpose.<br />
The reaction of the Sindhi nationalists, the Sindh-based parties and the ANP has been prompt. They have rejected it as a device to divide Sindh. The NPP, the PML (F) and the ANP have quit the Sindh Government. It is obvious these parties intend to exploit the situation for political gains at a time when general elections are not far away.<br />
Sindhi nationalists and Sindh-based parties want to appeal to the emotions of people of Sindh, who believe in the unity of Sindh as if it is an article of faith. The stakes of the ANP are confined to Karachi where there is a large population of their followers. Its main concern is with the advantage that will accrue to the MQM by the promulgation of SPLGO 2012.<br />
PPP seems to have made the move calculatedly. It wants to ensure that the MQM remains attached to it at a time when the general elections are within sight. The PPP understands that the ethnic Sindhis have emotional attachment to it, which has endured in even extremely adverse circumstances, and it can afford to take risk. Except for a few non-PPP leaders, who win because of their personal or clan clout, the PPP does not expect to lose much in interior Sindh. In fact, if it is able to forge electoral alliance or understanding with the MQM, the Mohajir support to the PPP candidates in rural Sindh can strengthen its position greatly. <br />
For the PPP, in the worst case, the ANP is expendable not only at provincial level, where its representation is insignificant, but at federal level also because the chances of its faring well in the next general elections may not be that bright.<br />
For the MQM, it is important to demonstrate to its supporters that at least it has been able to achieve substantial concession from the PPP. It cannot go to its voters empty-handed. It also wants to convey the message that in view of the treatment meted out to it by the PML (N), it has no option other than to go along with the PPP.<br />
If the MQM gets assurance from the PPP that no attempt would be made to dislodge it from any of the constituencies from where it has been winning in urban Sindh, it is likely to cooperate with the PPP in rural areas of the province. If they remain welded, the PPP and the MQM can deny the PML (N) and the Sindhi nationalists any chances of forming even a coalition government in Sindh.<br />
Despite the directive by the Supreme Court, no provincial government has shown willingness to hold local bodies’ elections in the near future, maybe because no ruling coalition, other than the one in Sindh, is sure of its strength. <br />
It is not clear if the PPP and the MQM have any intention to hold local bodies’ elections in Sindh before the general elections. However, if these elections are held in Sindh, they are likely to prove advantageous to the two parties because of their strong position in the province. With local bodies, including municipal and metropolitan corporations under them, the PPP and the MQM may find it convenient to influence the results of the general elections to their benefit.<br />
The holding of local bodies’ elections in Sindh may also cause building of pressure on other provincial governments to go for the same with adverse consequences.<br />
These are telltale signs of general elections may, after all, not come to pass on time. Besides, it may do no harm to MQM-PPP even if local bodies’ polls do not precede the general elections. Coalition of the duo fore tells both want an Election Alliance for both the elections in any order of precedence. For some it may be self-serving but for them it is coming of age.<br />
That said PPP, for now stems the dithering existential alliance with Muthahida Qaumi Movement. In the process PPP has lost important and diverse coalition partners in Sindh and at the Centre and even within the party. The move may be tactically justifiable not strategically. In principal PPP has conceded the system of City Government introduced by Mr. Pervez Musharraf in 2001/2. <br />
The Local government ordinance 2001/2 was never acted upon on important provisions of Land Control, Police to name a few. It remains to be seen, how the new legislation is fashioned in that dimension opposed to PPP-MQM coalition.<br />
It also remains to be seen if the Ordinance is placed before the provincial assembly and how soon. Electoral contest in Sindh is shaping up.<br />
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<a href="http://www.pkhope.com/ppp-mqm-accord-on-the-structure-of-local-government-in-sindh/">http://www.pkhope.com/ppp-mqm-accord-on-the-structure-of-local-government-in-sindh/</a><br />
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Mohammed Yousuf, (Advocate)http://www.blogger.com/profile/02644165187785886133noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7952916163469380640.post-54820900169961958112012-06-21T15:41:00.000+05:002012-06-21T15:41:01.578+05:00<span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">PITY THE JUDICIARY AND PEOPLE<o:p></o:p></span></span></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">(JUNE 20, 2012)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">Amicus<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">The President has taken it for granted that he enjoys </span><a href="http://legal-dictionary.thefreedictionary.com/immunity" title="immunity"><span style="color: blue; font-family: Calibri;">immunity</span></a><span style="font-family: Calibri;">
without even formally claiming it in a court of law. He thinks and behaves as
if he is above the law.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">The Speaker of the National Assembly declined to ruled
that as a result of the conviction of the Prime Minister a question had arisen
whether he has become disqualified from being a member of the Parliament. She
declined to send the matter to the Election Commission as per </span><a href="http://www.pakistani.org/pakistan/constitution/part3.ch2.html"><span style="color: blue; font-family: Calibri;">Art.63
(1)(g) (2).</span></a><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">The National Assembly passed resolutions reposing
confidence in a convicted Prime Minister and supporting the Speaker’s decision
not to send the matter of Prime Minister’s disqualification or otherwise as a
member of National Assembly to the Election Commission.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">The Prime Minister did not consider his </span><a href="http://legal-dictionary.thefreedictionary.com/conviction"><span style="color: blue; font-family: Calibri;">conviction</span></a><span style="font-family: Calibri;">
by the Supreme Court in the contempt of court case as a sufficient reason to
step down and had to be disqualified, on June 19, 2012, by a three member bench
of the Supreme Court with effect from April 26, 2012. Hence Pakistan does not
have a Prime Minister or Federal Cabinet.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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</span><br />
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">A reporter enquired from Winston Churchill in the
midst of the Battle of Britain as to how the United Kingdom was faring during
those dark hours. Churchill responded by asking: “Are the courts working?”
“Yes”, replied the reporter. “Then Britain is fine,” said Churchill
confidently. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">Nations have overcome extremely difficult, challenging
and threatening situations with healthy, strong and vibrant state institutions.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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</span><br />
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">Although the history of Pakistan’s superior judiciary
in dealing with politico-constitutional matters had hardly anything to be proud
of, still the restoration of pre-November 2007 Supreme Court Judges in March
2009 created the hope that a new era of the supremacy of constitution and rule
of law would dawn in the country. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">But what one witnessed since then was a game of
hide-and-seek between the superior judiciary and the executive. The executive successfully
dilly-dallied implementation of the Supreme Court’s directives in a number of
matters, as a result of which the confidence of the people began to erode in the
efficacy of the legal system even under restored superior judiciary.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">Apparently, the Supreme Court was in a fix. If it
issued directives to improve governance in specific areas, it undertook the
risk of encroaching upon the domain of the executive. If it took up politically
sensitive cases, like that of May 12, 2007 mayhem, and passed orders, it feared
backlash from political forces. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">It was determined to not take upon itself the blame
for derailing the democratic system.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In
order to avoid outright clash of institutions, the Supreme Court moved
calculatedly and acted selectively on different issues. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">It was a tight-rope walking between judicial restraint
and activism. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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</span><br />
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">Simultaneously, their lordships understood that the
people were getting disillusioned with the Supreme Court and wanted results.
Even protracted proceedings had to come to an end. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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</span><br />
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">The conviction of the Prime Minister in the contempt
of court case by the Supreme Court, and its observations and directives in the
missing persons’ case caused considerable embarrassment to the executive and
the military establishment respectively. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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</span><br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">Although at times the Supreme Court appeared helpless
in getting its orders and directives implemented, its proceedings and their
lordships’ observations were widely reported in electronic media and contributed
to the shaping of adverse public opinion about the government and
military-controlled intelligence agencies.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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</span><br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">And now we have this so-called bombshell in the form
of </span><a href="http://dawn.com/2012/06/10/profile-malik-riaz-hussain/"><span style="color: blue; font-family: Calibri;">Malik Riaz’</span></a><span style="font-family: Calibri;">s
charges against, </span><a href="http://pakobserver.net/detailnews.asp?id=160375" title="Dr. Arsalan Chaudhry"><span style="color: blue; font-family: Calibri;">Doctor Iftikhar Arsalan</span></a><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> the son of the Chief
Justice, that the latter is ‘a don who blackmailed him and his relatives into
giving nearly Rs.320 million apart from other benefits.’ <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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</span><br />
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">The charges against Arsalan Iftikhar have, just by
virtue of his office, cast direct aspersions on the person of the </span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iftikhar_Muhammad_Chaudhry" title="CJP Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry "><span style="color: blue; font-family: Calibri;">CJP Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry</span></a><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> who
holds the most respectful office, and the Supreme Court of Pakistan, which is
the most sacrosanct state institution. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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</span><br />
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">If due to any reason one’s reputation is tainted, it
becomes extremely difficult to exercise moral authority. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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</span><br />
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">There are reasons to believe that the Chief Justice
was informed by different persons about the activities of his son, including </span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aitzaz_Ahsan" title="Barrister Aitzaz Ahsan"><span style="color: blue; font-family: Calibri;">Barrister
Aitezaz Ahsan</span></a><span style="font-family: Calibri;">. He does not have excuse that he was completely unaware. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">
</span><br />
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">It may progressively be a challenge for Honourable
Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry to lead the Apex Court in future with same dignity
and sense of purpose, however, his decision of June 19, 2012 does show
otherwise. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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</span><br />
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">That said, virtually the executive-legislature combine
and the judiciary are at loggerheads on more than one issue.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The bars are on the streets. What if the
lawyers get divided into hostile camps or cracks appear within the benches?
Whither the respect of black coats and robes if this happens?<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">
</span><br />
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">Yet another casualty of Arsalan Iftikhar affairs is
the media. Some anchors are virtually at each other’s throats. Those who used
to deliver lectures from high pedestals are rubbing their noses in the dust.
The people are aghast to learn that those who gave lofty sermons had their
price tags. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">Apparently Malik Riaz’s allegations aimed at not only disgracing
the Chief Justice but bringing into disrepute the august institution of the
Supreme Court, at a time when the Supreme Court was seized of the matters of
the National Assembly Speaker’s decision not to send the question of the Prime
Minister’s likely disqualification to the Election Commission (hereafter
referred to as the Speaker’s ruling case) and the picking-up and killings of
Baloch nationalists allegedly at the hands of the FC. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">The people had a rude shock when they came to know of
Malik Riaz’s charges against Arsalan Iftikhar. The Chief Justice immediately
took suo- moto notice of the matter, but it seemed that the damage to his
reputation had been done. There came reports that some individuals, including
Barrister Aitzaz Ahsen, had cautioned the Chief Justice about the activities of
Arsalan Iftikhar months before Malik Riaz’s ‘disclosure’ but the Chief Justice
had ignored their advice.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">The airing of the controversial footage of conversation
between anchors (Mubashir Luqman and Meher Bukhari) and Malik Riaz, recorded
before the beginning and during the commercial break of Malik Riaz’s interview
to Dunya channel, came as a God-sent gift to the Chief Justice and the Apex
Court. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">Most of the other channels projected the interview as
‘fixed’ with ‘planted’ questions solely meant to discredit the Supreme Court.
This was like reading too much in the episode but the Chief Justice got
something to fall back upon.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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</span><br />
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">As things stand today the Supreme Court has directed
the Attorney General to investigate the charges against Arsalan Iftikhar. It has
called the above mentioned interview of Malik Riaz a conspiracy against the
judiciary without clearly pinpointing who was its author. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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</span><br />
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">It was certain that the Supreme Court will expedite the
proceedings in the Speaker’s Ruling Case and deliver its adverse judgment
within days and that has come to pass. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">Unusually the Supreme Court Judges watched the controversial
footage of Dunya TV in the presence of media and the same was telecast from
different channels. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">Although internally the lawyers are divided and
confused, they are on the streets condemning what they term as an attempt to
malign the Chief Justice and an assault on the independence of the judiciary.
There is an effort to enact the scenes of 2007 when the Chief Justice was
removed by a military dictator, yet as of now the same enthusiasm is lacking. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">
</span><br />
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">The ruling coalition led by the PPP has declared the
action of the Speaker of the National Assembly in not sending the matter of the
Prime Minister’s disqualification to the Election Commission as justified and
has declared that the government would investigate the Arsalan Iftikhar affair
to find out the truth. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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</span><br />
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">No doubt in a country like Pakistan one cannot rule
out the possibility of a conspiracy against the apex court hatched by the
quarters that are not happy with the present Chief Justice and have
reservations about some of the orders and directives of the Supreme Court. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">That said, conspiracies usually take place when there
are some weaknesses in those against whom they are aimed at. </span><a href="http://www.pkhope.com/what-may-come-next-for-the-chief-justice/" title="What may come next"><span style="color: blue; font-family: Calibri;">What may come next</span></a><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> for the Chief Justice, may be
a matter of conjecture but there is lot of room for it and potential too. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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</span><br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">The questions arise: First, what if more allegations
with incriminating evidences, including videos and audio recordings, against
Arsalan Iftikhar come to light? Secondly, will the things be the same again even
if without further damage the dust settles down?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">A dispassionate analysis of the crisis would suggest
that the maintenance of the moral authority of the Supreme Court is of
paramount importance. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Prima facie</i> the
Chief Justice could not have been completely ignorant of his son’s activities,
especially when the Chief Justice’s other family members had, allegedly, also
enjoyed lavish stay in London. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">The Supreme Court is an august body. It does not look
nice if it indulges in populism or politicking, directly or through bar
councils and media. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">The impression that their lordships have started
enjoying projection on electronic media, often their remarks during the
proceedings appear as if they are meant for public consumption, is not going
well with the people. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">We know for certain that within the bar there are
lawyers loyal to different political parties and if the crisis continues, it is
very likely that bars may get divided into hostile camps. Within the benches
also there is no surety that all judges consider Chief Justice above reproach. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">In due course cracks may appear within the benches
also. Pakistan cannot afford the casualty of another state institution. The
judiciary should not get polarized or politicized.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">It is also important that the Supreme Court should do
some introspection to see if it has come to the expectations of common man in
other respects. As an institution, the Judiciary has failed to dispense cheap
and prompt justice. The backlog of cases casts a bad impression. The High
Courts have not fulfilled their supervisory role over their respective
subordinate courts properly. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">The rampant corruption, miscarriage of justice,
delayed and poor quality of judgments at lower levels make a mockery of the
judicial system in Pakistan.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">It is time the superior judiciary gave more importance
to the hardship of common people and reform the whole system instead of
focussing only on high profile cases. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">The people have had overdose of politics, they yearn
for solution of their everyday problems which have direct impact on their
lives. This is the essence of what Churchill had meant when he said: “Then
Britain is fine.”</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"><a href="http://www.pkhope.com/pity-the-judiciary-and-people/">http://www.pkhope.com/pity-the-judiciary-and-people/</a></span></span></div>
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</span>Mohammed Yousuf, (Advocate)http://www.blogger.com/profile/02644165187785886133noreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7952916163469380640.post-20669595399514805532012-05-27T22:58:00.002+05:002012-05-27T22:58:56.995+05:00<h2>
Pity the State</h2>
<small>By <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/author/amicus/" title="Posts by amicus">amicus</a> • May 27th, 2012 • Category: <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/category/politics/" rel="category tag" title="View all posts in Politics">Politics</a> •3 Comments </small><br />
<div class="entry">
<!--single_rectangle_ads-->
<ins style="border: currentColor; display: inline-table; height: 280px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; visibility: visible; width: 336px;"><ins id="aswift_0_anchor" style="border: currentColor; display: block; height: 280px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; visibility: visible; width: 336px;"><iframe allowtransparency="true" frameborder="0" height="280" hspace="0" id="aswift_0" marginheight="0" marginwidth="0" name="aswift_0" scrolling="no" style="left: 0px; position: absolute; top: 0px;" vspace="0" width="336"></iframe></ins></ins>Instead of letting the Election Commission form opinion in the matter of disqualification of Prime Minister Gilani, she has decided not to refer the question to the Election Commission relying on precedents that are not applicable / suitable.<br />The conviction of Prime Minister Gilani under Article 204 (2) by the Supreme Court and the Court’s observation that the findings and the conviction for contempt of court are “. . . . likely to entail some serious consequences in terms of Article 63 (1) g of the Constitution” for Prime Minister Gilani provided sufficient ground to conclude that the question had arisen whether Prime Minister had become disqualified from being a member of Majlis-i-Shoora and the Speaker was constitutionally bound to refer the matter to the Election Commission.<br />
Although, prima facie, the Speaker’s decision is biased and mala fide or based at least on faulty understanding of law and facts, technically the matter has ended. Regardless of the Supreme Court’s decision in Prime Minister Gilani’s intra-court appeal, his position is presently safe from legal point of view.<br />
If any petition is moved in the Supreme Court against the ruling of the Speaker, it would result in another time-consuming proceeding and maybe another intra-court appeal.<br />
The whole episode has raised questions about the efficacy of our constitutional and legal system. It has served as yet another factor in eroding the people’s trust in democratic dispensation. First the vote of confidence passed by the National Assembly in a convicted Prime Minister and now a blatantly biased ruling of the Speaker has demonstrated that Pakistan’s democracy is dysfunctional.<br />
No one would like the system to derail but such developments are ominous for the country. It is time one heeded to the observation of the Chief Justice which he made during the hearing of a petition in Quetta on May 23: “All major political players should keep in mind that non-implementation of the Constitution had led to imposition of martial law more than once.” Dys-functional State Order, is recipe for disaster. It is such an impasse when choice between State and Constitution is forced on the other functional state organs. We seem to have arrived there, the impasse.Constitutional deviation is logical out come of dys- functionality of organs of state. Deviation is justified when Constitutional Order implodes or explode. Right now we are heading towards, precisely that, implosion, collapse and anarchy<br />
<br /><a href="http://www.pkhope.com/pity-the-state/trackback/" rel="trackback">Trackback URL</a></div>Mohammed Yousuf, (Advocate)http://www.blogger.com/profile/02644165187785886133noreply@blogger.com4tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7952916163469380640.post-90079670633014524122012-02-28T00:47:00.002+05:002012-02-28T00:47:18.874+05:00Fresh Perspectives of Balochistan Crisis<h2>Fresh Perspectives of Balochistan Crisis</h2><small>By <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/author/amicus/" title="Posts by amicus">amicus</a> • Feb 28th, 2012 • Category: <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/category/lead/" rel="category tag" title="View all posts in Lead Story">Lead Story</a> •No Responses </small><br />
<div class="entry">Fresh Perspectives of Balochistan Crisis<br />
<ins style="border: currentColor; display: inline-table; height: 280px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; visibility: visible; width: 336px;"><ins id="aswift_0_anchor" style="border: currentColor; display: block; height: 280px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; visibility: visible; width: 336px;"></ins><br />
<ins id="aswift_0_anchor" style="border: currentColor; display: block; height: 280px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; visibility: visible; width: 336px;"><iframe allowtransparency="true" frameborder="0" height="280" hspace="0" id="aswift_0" marginheight="0" marginwidth="0" name="aswift_0" scrolling="no" style="left: 0px; position: absolute; top: 0px;" vspace="0" width="336"></iframe></ins></ins>The Baluchistan issue is in the limelight again. The immediate reason being the renewed and excessive focus of the media and human rights groups on the matter of alleged, forced disappearances and discovery of mutilated death bodies of Baluch activists, picked up by Pakistan’s intelligence agencies that are virtually under the control of the country’s military establishment.<br />
The proceedings in the Supreme Court in the matter of ‘missing persons’ have also brought into open horrible stories of brutality and inhuman treatment, alleged, meted out to those in the unlawful custody of the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), the Military Intelligence (MI) and FC. Initially In 2007, “Pakistan’s Supreme Court Chief Justice gained wide notoriety when he demanded that General Musharraf account for the for the thousands of Pakistanis who had been disappeared”.<br />
The relentless efforts of the relatives of the ‘missing persons’ to know their whereabouts have led credence to the premise that the ISI and the MI work as ‘a state within the state’ and are responsible not only for unlawful detention of citizens under suspicion but often their extra-judicial executions.<br />
The issue of Baluchistan is now drawing the attention of international community.<br />
It is ominous that on February 8, 2012, the US Congress’ Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigation held hearing on the Baluchistan issue and accused the Pakistan government of broad human rights abuses against the Baluch people.<br />
In response, the National Assembly of Pakistan passed a resolution condemning the Congressional hearing on Baluchistan and termed it as interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign state and breach of international law. Pakistan Foreign Office also lodged a protest against the Congressional hearings.<br />
On February 17, 2012, Congressman Dana Rohrabacher, a Republican and Chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigation, together with two other lawmakers, tabled a resolution in the House of Representatives that says that in Pakistan, the Baluch people are subjected to violence and extra-judicial killings.<br />
The resolution which is still to be voted upon adds that the Baluch people “have the right to self-determination and to their own sovereign country; and they should be afforded the opportunity to choose their own status.”<br />
Rohrabacher<br />
Although the resolution has no legal force and the State Department has clarified that “it is not the policy of the Administration to support independence for Baluchistan,” it is a matter of grave concern for Pakistan. The United States has called for a negotiated settlement of Baluchistan issue.<br />
As the things are unfolding internally and at international level, it is important that the Baluchistan issue is addressed with utmost seriousness and urgency.<br />
Briefly speaking, the narrative of the Baluch nationalists goes;<br />
Baluchistan was not historically a part of the Indian/ South Asian Subcontinent. The Khanate of Kalat was an independent entity. As a result of its ‘forward policy’ to counter Russian southward expansion, the British interference in the region increased and Baluchistan was sucked into the Subcontinent.<br />
At the time of independence of the Subcontinent, the Khan of Kalat was reluctant to accede to Pakistan. The upper and lower houses of Kalat’s legislature opposed the State’s accession to Pakistan. However, Kalat and other Baluchistan States were annexed by the Pakistan government through a show of military might.<br />
Since then the Baluch people have always been denied their just and legitimate rights and deprived of their due share in the resources of Baluchistan. Even a process of ‘colonization’ of Baluchistan is underway. The so-called mega projects are also designed to benefit the outsiders.<br />
The Punjabi political elite and the Punjabi military establishment are not prepared to provide even bare necessities to the Baluch people. Baluchistan has remained backward in every respect.<br />
Whenever the Baluch people have demanded autonomy and their due share in the natural resources, the Pakistan government has resorted to military action. This happened under Ayub, Bhutto and Musharraf regimes. The Baluch nationalists have always been accused of being traitors and at different times of having contacts with the Soviet Union, India, even Iraq and now the United States.<br />
The agencies have adopted ‘kill and dump’ policy to terrorize the Baluch people and as a last resort, the Baluch nationalists contend, they have taken up arms to liberate their motherland.<br />
There is a narrative that is obviously different:<br />
Following the elections of 1970, the ethno-nationalist National Awami Party (NAP) won the largest block of seats in both Balochistan and what is now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and formed governments in both provinces with the political support of the Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-Islam.<br />
Following the 1971 civil war in which East Pakistan, with India’s assistance, became Bangladesh, the NAP government finally took control of the provincial government and tried to correct some of the developmental, economic, and political problems of the province.<br />
Pakistan’s first elected Prime Minister, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, opposed such reforms, fearing that they would undermine the Punjabis, Pakistan’s dominant ethnic group, and other non-Baloch who also have huge stakes in the province.<br />
In 1973, the Pakistani authorities, under Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, invaded Balochistan, after they raided the Iraqi Embassy in Islamabad, discovering 300 Soviet submachine guns and 48,000 rounds of ammunition. Although it was alleged that the American officials knew the weapons were meant for Baloch rebels in Iran, the government claimed that Iraq was planning to transfer the arms to Pakistan’s Baloch.<br />
The elected provincial government was dismissed, Governor’s Rule imposed, and the central government dispatched 80,000 troops to fight 55,000 Baloch guerrillas.<br />
Iran provided 30 Cobra helicopters with their own pilots to help Pakistan put down any insurrection, owing its own problems with its ethnic Baloch, who struggle under ethnic discrimination and, as they are Sunni, Shia domination. In the end, about 3,300 Pakistani army soldiers died, as well as 5,000 militants and thousands more innocent civilians.<br />
After Bhutto’s government was toppled by General Zia-ul-Haq on July 5, 1977 and subsequently, his government launched several development projects, such as road construction, expansion of power transmission, and building small dams, in hopes of appeasing Baluchistan’s residents. Zia also ensured that Quetta received Sui gas for the first time even though deposits had been discovered in Balochistan some four decades earlier.<br />
The previous governments of Benazir and Nawaz Sharif tried to introduce such mega projects in this province but failed owing to political uncertainty. President General Pervez Musharraf finally took a very bold initiative and in 2002. The most recent insurgent violence began with General Musharraf’s seizure of power in 1999. In particular, Musharraf outraged many in the province when he announced the development of the deep-water port at Gwadar (a huge project being carried out in partnership with the Chinese) and the construction of two army cantonments.<br />
While many Baloch see the army cantonments as part of Pakistan’s “colonizing presence,” the Pakistan army has long sought to increase the number of Baloch in its ranks. This desire stems from the belief—long held by the Pakistan army—that the institution must reflect the population from which it draws.<br />
Achieving this goal has proved a challenge because fewer Baloch meet the educational standards and/or wish to join the Pakistan army. In response, the army has built cadet schools in Quetta and elsewhere, in the hopes of increasing the number of recruits from the province. Pakistan’s army has long dominated the state, and its extensive welfare system is the best in the country.<br />
The Baloch ethnic group is the largest in the province, it is not known definitively whether or not its members comprise the majority of the province’s inhabitants as the census is both out of date (from 1998) and does not ask about ethnicity. Be that, it is, however, suggested that Baloch are the largest group in the province (followed by the Pashtuns and the Brahvi, but it falls short of forming a majority of the population.<br />
In addition to these three largest ethnic groups, Balochistan is also home to Sindhis and Punjabis. Using the 1998 Pakistani census data on mother tongue as a proxy for ethnicity, those who claim the Baloch language are a slight majority (55 %), followed by Pashto speakers (30 %), Punjabi (three %), and Saraiki (two %). Those who speak Urdu (the national language) comprise a mere one % (Pakistan Census, 1998).<br />
However, the census does not distinguish Brahvi speakers from Baloch speakers, even though the two languages are linguistically distinct and completely unrelated.<br />
This is one reason why some scholars are wary of declaring Baloch the majority ethnic group while others insist that they are the majority community of the province.<br />
Determining Baluchistan’s ethnic composition is complicated by Pakistan’s census. The census is supposed to be decennial, but has been deeply politicized since the 1980s. The 1981 census was delayed until 1998. This extraordinary delay was due in part to the Pakistan government’s hope that many of the millions of Afghan refugees who had flocked to Pakistan would return to Afghanistan before the census was conducted.<br />
Balochistan, along with the province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK, formerly Northwest Frontier Province, (NWFP) has hosted millions of Afghan refugees since 1979. While Pashtuns had lived in Balochistan long before the Afghan crises unfolded, there can be little doubt that developments across the border have altered the ethnic, political, and even religious and social fabrics of the province, as many Afghans and their offspring have acquired Pakistani national identity cards and have made Pakistan their home.<br />
As of January 2012, there were more than 1.7 million Afghan refugees in Pakistan, according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR, 2012). Current figures for Balochistan in particular are not available, but in 2010 there were more than 406,000 Afghan refugees in the province (UNHCR, 2010).<br />
It says that the British government had made it amply clear that Baluchistan, including its native states, was a part and parcel of the Indian/South Asian Subcontinent. The Baluchistan States had no option of independence.<br />
At one time or the other, the Khan of Kalat and at other some Baluch Sardars, particularly the chiefs of Bugti, Marri and Mengal tribes, have resented and resisted the legitimate authority of the Pakistan government and hindered the development programmes, including the implementation of the mega projects, in Baluchistan.<br />
It is the Baluch social structure that is responsible for the province’s backwardness. Take a look at the Baluch Tribes and then juxtapose it with the stance of the Khan of Kalat and the Chiefs of Bugti, Marri and Mengal tribes, who also find their own tribes divided over the issue and stand, of their leaders. It is also revealed that, with the exception of these four the others have never opted for armed struggle as means for attaining their rights and none has aimed at secession. Baloch Tribes<br />
The official narrative says that the Baluchistan province is sparsely populated and lacks necessary human resource to undertake development projects. The settlement of people from other provinces is, therefore, very natural. Have not the Baluch people settled in Sindh and Punjab?<br />
The official narrative accuses the Baluch nationalists of terrorizing the non-locals. They are involved in target killings and have forced exodus of two to three hundred thousand non-locals, mainly Punjabis, from the province. While Baloch nationalists are wont to call attention to their grievances and losses, they are not the only victims, in many cases they are the perpetrators. Baloch nationalist militants are widely suspected to be the culprits in a wide array of killings of Punjabis, ostensibly to protest Punjabi colonization of the state.<br />
Teachers and police have been particularly vulnerable because they are seen as the representatives of the so-called Punjabi-dominated state generally and the military in particular. The Pakistan army is not as Punjabi-dominated as is widely believed.<br />
The targeted killing of teachers has had a profound impact on the province’s already fragile educational system. There are too few educated persons in Balochistan to supply an adequate numbers of teachers, and the hostile and dangerous environment makes recruiting teachers from other provinces difficult.<br />
The official narrative also decries foreign (read Indian) interference in Baluchistan and blames the Baluch nationalists for seeking foreign military and diplomatic assistance for securing separation of the province. Perforce, the agencies, this narrative asserts, have to take action against terrorists and anti-state elements.<br />
Now the questions that agitate the mind are: Why this sudden concern of the US Congressmen with the situation in Baluchistan? Are they genuinely motivated by Human rights violations in the province? Is the Obama Administration anything to do with the move?<br />
There are various theories that attempt to answer the questions.<br />
According to the conspiracy theory, the ultimate US objective is to secure independence of Baluchistan or the part of it that is adjacent to Iran and Afghanistan to have access from the Arabian Sea through Baluchistan and Afghanistan to Central Asia. It could serve as a transit trade route, energy corridor and logistic passage to promote and safeguard American interests in the region.<br />
Other theories do not take very serious view of the move in the US Congress:<br />
One explanation is that it is just a pressure tactic to compel Pakistan to reopen NATO/ISAF supply lines. A second explanation is that it is meant to prevent Pakistan from going ahead with the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline project.<br />
Another view is that the United States wants Pakistan to dilute its conditions concerning the composition of future political set-up in Afghanistan. Lastly, there is the view that the United States aims at undermining the role of the ISI as custodian of Pakistan’s national interests.<br />
Here it may be noted that the presence of Osama bin Laden in the garrison town of Abbottabad and the treatment meted out to Dr. Afridi, who conducted the fake vaccine campaign to locate Bin Laden, has raised many intriguing questions about the ISI and CIA.<br />
Obviously if we subscribe to any of the above-mentioned theories, it would imply a nexus between the US Congressmen’s move and the policy of the Obama Administration.<br />
At the peak of the so-called American ‘war on terror’, Pakistan had assumed the status of a non-NATO ally of the United States and entered into strategic dialogue with the United States to safeguard its interests.<br />
Simultaneously, on April 5, 2005, Pakistan concluded a Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Good-neighbourly Relations with China, which is more explicit and meaningful than one signed by India with the Soviet Union in August 1971.<br />
The Pakistan-China Friendship Treaty says that, inter alia, the Chinese side appreciates and supports Pakistan’s efforts to settle peacefully all the problems with its neighbouring countries and all efforts to safeguard its state sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence.<br />
The Treaty also says: “ each Contracting Party shall not join any alliance or bloc which infringes upon the sovereignty, security and territorial integrity of other Contracting Party, nor shall it take any action of this nature including the conclusion of treaties of this nature with a third country.”<br />
The Treaty significantly adds that the Contracting Parties shall enhance and consolidate trust and cooperation in the military and security fields to strengthen their security.<br />
The reference to the Pakistan-China Treaty is not meant to suggest that China will fight Pakistan’s war if one is imposed on it but to indicate that at least Pakistan is not alone and can pursue a regional policy that is independent and commensurate with its national power. There is no need to prostrate abjectly before the United States if Pakistan is able to put its house in order.<br />
China has invested in the Gwadar Port and other projects, and also wants to secure transit trade route across Pakistani territory for its western region. Obviously China is an important stake-holder in Baluchistan and will like it to be a stable and peaceful part of Pakistan.<br />
Since last many years, the Iranian government has remained concerned with American interest in Baluchistan as a base to interfere in and destabilize Iran or topple its regime.<br />
During the Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan trilateral summit on February 17, 2012 in Islamabad, the three countries agreed “not to allow any threat emanating from their respective territories against each other and commence trilateral consultations on an agreement in this regard.”<br />
Pakistan has also assured Afghanistan that it would facilitate Afghanistan government’s dialogue with Taliban.<br />
The credit goes to leadership that it has assured Iran that Pakistan would remain committed to the gas pipeline and electricity import projects despite international sanctions.<br />
On the issue of Baluchistan, the interests of Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan converge because Baluch people reside in all of them and any turmoil in Pakistani Baluchistan would definitely have impact on the Baluch population in Iran and Afghanistan.<br />
The Baluchistan issue is an extension of the ‘Great Game’ being played for hegemony in resource-rich Central Asia. The United States, Russia, China, India, Pakistan, Iran and even Turkey, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have stakes in the region. A comprehensive, all-embracing international understanding on the future of Central Asia can ease situation in Baluchistan also.<br />
In a win-win situation Baluchistan can serve as a transit trade route to and energy corridor from Central Asia via Baluchistan and Afghanistan with a bright future for the Gwadar Port, thus benefitting all stake-holders and opening up new vistas for ECO, SCO and SAARC.<br />
In due course, the pace and prospects of economic development and the need for human resource may overtake the Baluch resentment over settlement of non-locals in Baluchistan.<br />
Internally, the Pakistan government has initiated the Rights of Baluchistan Programme but it has not made headway. The Baluch nationalists consider the programme as mere a cosmetic effort and not to resolve the crisis.<br />
Under the Eighteenth Amendment considerable autonomy is to be conceded to the provinces. If implemented in letter and spirit, some of the grievances of the Baluch nationalists may be addressed through decentralization and devolution of power.<br />
However, there seems to be divergence in the perceptions and policies of the civilian government and the military establishment.<br />
The ISI and the security establishment view the Baluchistan imbroglio more as a security issue than a political one. Apparently the Defence of Pakistan Council, or say the Islamists and other religio-political parties are federalists and have huge stake in Baluchistan. Hence is a force to be reckoned with to counter the Baluch nationalists. This reality is not lost on security establishment of Pakistan.<br />
There is need for the civilian and military leadership to forge a consensus on Baluchistan policy and work in tandem. Negotiations with the Baluch nationalists and removing trust deficit is the only way out.<br />
The agencies should understand that their strong-arm tactics, even if justifiable, are estranging the Baluch people and simultaneously bringing bad name to the country. They should reform themselves.<br />
One recalls with great pain and anguish the traumatic events of 1971 which led to severance of Pakistan’s eastern wing. Immediately after the commencement of military action in East Pakistan, President Nikolai Podgorny of the Soviet Union, President Richard Nixon of the United States and Prime Minister Chou En Lai of the People’s Republic of China had advised President General Yahiya Khan to resolve the crisis through political settlement but the over-confident and arrogant military regime failed to heed the advice which led to catastrophic consequences.<br />
Agreed that the nature of crisis in Baluchistan is qualitatively different from the one in erstwhile East Pakistan, yet the military response is not likely to work and in the present geopolitical context there is a genuine risk that the issue might get out of hands if it is not addressed properly.<br />
The worst thing is that as of today there is no political initiative, emanating from Civil and Military leadership, in tandem, to understand and address the quagmire, which, albeit, is extremely hyperboled in media. Hence the situation appears to be in a free fall mode and rapidly deteriorating. With self-serving interference of the USA it is fast getting internationalised, no matter what the stated policy of the United States as to Baluch Problem being internal issue of Pakistan.<br />
While not at all condoning use of force in Balochistan, the so-called concerns of the USA for Human Rights violation, to put it mildly, are self-serving, self-conceited. It does not behove USA to preach those lofty notions of Human Rights to us. In the last decade alone, USA has not only violated Human Rights of people from Africa, Middle East, Central and West Asia, Pakistan, its people and armed forces being subjected to inhuman and despicable human rights violation by the USA on daily basis. USA | Amnesty International<br />
If the tabling resolution by three US congress person is not the US policy, let’s do the same through some of our own members of the Parliament and debate the visible and abject violation of Human Rights by the USA in above regions and particularly against the people of Pakistan 2001, violation of sovereignty routinely, which has resulted in deaths, maiming, renditions and incarceration of huge number of people.<br />
Instead of making tsunami out of a visible US muscle flexing, just don’t blink, while putting your house in order.<br />
<br />
<a href="http://www.pkhope.com/fresh-perspectives-of-balochistan-crisis/trackback/" rel="trackback">Trackback URL</a><rdf:rdf xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:rdf="http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#" xmlns:trackback="http://madskills.com/public/xml/rss/module/trackback/"><rdf:description dc:identifier="http://www.pkhope.com/fresh-perspectives-of-balochistan-crisis/" dc:title="Fresh Perspectives of Balochistan Crisis" rdf:about="http://www.pkhope.com/fresh-perspectives-of-balochistan-crisis/" trackback:ping="http://www.pkhope.com/fresh-perspectives-of-balochistan-crisis/trackback/"></rdf:description></rdf:rdf> <ins style="border: currentColor; display: inline-table; height: 15px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; visibility: visible; width: 468px;"></ins><br />
<ins style="border: currentColor; display: inline-table; height: 15px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; visibility: visible; width: 468px;"><ins id="aswift_1_anchor" style="border: currentColor; display: block; height: 15px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; visibility: visible; width: 468px;"></ins><br />
<ins id="aswift_1_anchor" style="border: currentColor; display: block; height: 15px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; visibility: visible; width: 468px;"><iframe allowtransparency="true" frameborder="0" height="15" hspace="0" id="aswift_1" marginheight="0" marginwidth="0" name="aswift_1" scrolling="no" style="left: 0px; position: absolute; top: 0px;" vspace="0" width="468"></iframe></ins></ins></div><div id="___plusone_1" style="display: inline-block; float: none; font-size: 1px; height: 24px; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: 450px;"></div>Mohammed Yousuf, (Advocate)http://www.blogger.com/profile/02644165187785886133noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7952916163469380640.post-4472763225592298172012-01-14T22:01:00.000+05:002012-01-14T22:01:22.242+05:00Go to the People.Mohammed Yousuf <br />
Saturday, January 14, 2012 at 9:49pm<br />
The Supreme Court has made it clear that it would not bestow legitimacy to any extra-constitutional act of taking over the government and the military establishment has given assurance that it does not intend to derail the democratic process.Pakistan Muslim League (N) has shown great maturity by declaring that it will oppose any military intervention. Almost all important political parties have supported the democratic process. Same is the stand taken by the media in general and representatives of the civil society in particular.But then this leads us to the question: what next?<br />
For the PPP leadership it is the time for introspection and soul-searching. It needs to reform itself and become more responsive to people’s demands and aspirations. No one can challenge the authority of the government if it is able to command popular trust and respect.<br />
Obviously the best course for the ruling coalition is to address the grievances of the people and focus on improving the quality of governance. It should address the complaints of corruption, favouritism, nepotism, breakdown in law and order, energy crisis, mismanagement in state corporations, inflation, economic meltdown and other issues. It also has to show that it respects the other institutions of the state as “as it desires to be respected.<br />
If the present slide continues, the people may get completely tired and ultimately become fed up of the civilian rule. The fatigue is already visible. To be frank, it is largely due to the Imran Khan factor that a considerable segment of masses has retained some hope in democratic process.<br />
The PPP should understand that, despite all proclamations in the favour of democracy, there is a thresh hold of tolerance and the army or the Supreme Court may perforce decide to wind up the system in national interests if there is a further deterioration in governance and if the government continues on the collision course.<br />
The possibility of such an eventuality is highly pronounced, despite the clear and forth right announcement by both the institutions, given the propensity of the incumbent Zardari-Gilani dispensation to provoke confrontation with these state institutions.<br />
Such an eventuality will be a reality if they were to indulge in any ill-conceived adventurism against the Army and Judiciary. They ought to take a leaf from the contemporary instances of such adventurism by Nawaz Sharif in 1993 and again by Nawaz Sharif in October 1999.<br />
For the government the best course would be to resign and go to the people for a fresh mandate, but it is a tall order for the incumbent government, although the entire dispensation is crying hoarse thatit believes in the power of ballot.<br />
Hence, given the prevailing environment, for the opposition, the best course available is to resign from the assemblies and force the government to go for the fresh polls.<br />
After the resignations the opposition should simultaneously press for having an independent Election Commission, preparation of fool proof voters’ list as directed by the Supreme Court and peaceful conduct of polling on the day of elections.<br />
It should not insist on resignation or removal of President Zardari as a prerequisite for transparent and fair general elections. Any such demand would be unconstitutional and would set a bad example. As for the President, let the cases before the Supreme Court run its course and the President should honour, abide and bow before the outcome of those cases.<br />
Asfar as the controversial memo is concerned, let there be an inquiry commission by the Supreme Court and let it submit its report to the Supreme Court and let the Supreme Court decide the future line of action and if anyone is found responsible, the laws should take its own course, may it be Haqqani or even the President.<br />
The army has already got over stretched. Its primary responsibility is to defend the country against foreign aggression and internal insurgencies. It should not offer an opportunity to the PPP leaders to go down as martyrs. Any reckless adventurism will bring bad name to the army and it would be thoroughly discredited in a short span.<br />
It is not in the interest of the country to upset the applecart when elections are possible constitutionally and that is the only democratic way to go forward.<br />
There’s certainly a lot of legitimate debate about what exactly government is supposed to be expected to do, and what is the best way to go about doing it. Perhaps you in fact think it appropriate to take some people’s money at gunpoint to give to poor folks (like YOU, no doubt). But recognize this is what you are doing, and don’t kid yourself that it’s something truly different than if you just walked into the bank with a gun — other than you’re getting someone else to do your dirty work. The stick-up artist is just cutting out the middleman. As HL Mencken memorably put it, “Every election is a sort of advance auction sale of stolen goods.”<br />
That said, Mr President and Mr Prime Minister, seize the moment and go to the people, your government has run out of steam. Live up to what you preach and let the change come through the ballot, the power of the ballot is what we need in sheer defence; else what shall save us from a second slavery?<br />
However, do not misunderstand and think that ballots are the opposite of bullets. They are not. They are just a substitute for muting direct violence, not the elimination of violence.Mohammed Yousuf, (Advocate)http://www.blogger.com/profile/02644165187785886133noreply@blogger.com4tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7952916163469380640.post-70171991191606193992011-12-27T12:23:00.000+05:002011-12-27T12:23:42.882+05:00The Politics of UncertaintyThe Politics of Uncertainty<br />
<br />
By amicus • Dec 27th, 2011 • Category: Lead Story • <br />
On 25th December, the nation celebrates the 135th Birth anniversary of Quid-e-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah. Jinnah’s vision of Pakistan was, “There is no doubt that the future of our state will and must greatly depend upon the type of education and way in which we bring up our children as the future servants of Pakistan…What we have to do is mobilise our people and build up the character of our future generations…”.<br />
<br />
President Zardari said today in his message, “it will not allow any change through “force and intimidation and respect the power of ballot as an instrument of change.” He goes on to say; “The Quaid believed that any change must be brought about by ballot and reject change by bullet”.<br />
<br />
Very true Mr President; let us bring change through ballot before it is too late.<br />
<br />
Let us first take a look at the State of Affairs in Jinnah’s Pakistan.<br />
<br />
Early October 2011, the Pakistan People’s Party-led coalition government appeared set to complete its term and there were indications that, if no spanner was thrown, the PPP might secure majority in the Senate as a result of elections in March 2012 and, if the coalition partners made seat adjustments, even emerge as the largest party in the National Assembly in the general elections likely to be held in March 2013.<br />
<br />
All of a sudden the situation changed after Mansoor Ijaz, an influential American citizen of Pakistani ancestry, disclosed in an article published in The Financial Times on October10, 2011 that about a week after the Abbottabad Operation of May 2, 2011, in which Osama Bin Laden was hunted down, “a senior Pakistani diplomat” contacted him in the name of President Asif Ali Zardari, to send a message to the White House national security officials, seeking US assistance to prevent military takeover in Pakistan and offering to appoint a new national security team that would eliminate Section ‘S’ of the ISI, which maintained relations with the Taliban, Haqqani network and other militants.<br />
<br />
According to Ijaz, a memo to the effect was duly drafted and sent to Admiral Mullen on May 10, 2011. Later on, former US National Security Advisor James L. Jones disclosed that the memo was sent through him.<br />
<br />
After Foreign Policy magazine published the full text of the alleged memo, it became known that the memo contained provisions of far serious implications for Pakistan’s defence establishment and national security interests, including its nuclear programme, than what had been initially stated by Ijaz.<br />
<br />
In quick developments subsequent to the publication of Ijaz’s Financial Times article, DG ISI General Ahmed Shuja Pasha met Ijaz in London to seek more details and then briefed Army Chief General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani about the memo; General Kayani conveyed his concern to Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani about the alleged role of Pakistan’s Ambassador to the United States Husain Haqqani in the memo affair; Gilani summoned Haqqani to Islamabad to clarify his position; Haqqani denied the charges that he had anything to do with the memo; Ijaz publicly maintained that Haqqani was the senior diplomat who had approached him for sending the memo and produced some ‘evidences’ in the form of Blackberry data and messages which he had exchanged with Haqqani; after initial rejection, Mullen’s spokesman confirmed that he had received the memo but had ignored it; Gilani obtained resignation from Haqqani and announced to hold inquiry into the whole affair. The inquiry was to be conducted by a parliamentary committee.<br />
<br />
However, not satisfied with Gilani’s announcement, on November 23, 2011 Nawaz Sharif, the leader of the principal opposition party, Pakistan Muslim League (N) and many others, took the matter to the Supreme Court, praying that the “dreadful conspiracy to demonise, ridicule, malign and consequently demoralise and terrorise and resultantly to destroy the invaluable and valiant Armed Forces of Pakistan; to trade away the sovereignty of Pakistan and to barter away the very existence and the future of Pakistan which also amounts to waging a war against Pakistan, should be unearthed.”<br />
<br />
Lead Petitioner Sharif arrayed Zardari, Haqqani, Ijaz, General Kayani, and General Pasha, Foreign Secretary and Interior Secretary and others as respondents to explain the “detestable, despicable and treacherous memorandum.”<br />
<br />
The proceedings in the Supreme Court, where more petitions were filed, exposed many things, including some intriguing aspects of relationship between the civilian and military leadership, although, in the meantime, the attention was partly diverted to the dastardly blatant ISAF / NATO attack on Pakistani posts in the tribal area near Afghanistan’s border in which 24 soldiers were killed and many more seriously wounded.<br />
<br />
December 1, 2011 the Supreme Court ordered the formation of a one-man inquiry commission, directed Haqqani not to leave the country and asked Zardari, General Pasha and General Kayani to explain their position.<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
The same day the PPP reacted with much venom.<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
In a hurriedly called press conference addressed by the PPP leaders, Babar Awan lashed out: “This time the PML (N) leaders have chosen strong shoulders to play their game, which I call the first act of the Bangladesh model.”<br />
<br />
He referred to Sharif’s petition as a conspiracy to pitch state institutions against each other to come to power through back door. He contended that under the Constitution only the executive had the authority to set up a commission and wrongly complained that the Supreme Court did not allow the federation to present its argument on the subject. He also criticised restrictions imposed on Haqqani without hearing him.<br />
<br />
The PPP leaders’ tone in the press conference was very harsh and sarcastic. Awan played the old game: “The judicial history of the country is witness to the fact that PPP was never given justice, but at the same it has also become a known reality now that rulers of the Punjab have always got relief from the courts.” Awan’s outburst indicated that the PPP intended to use Sindh card and pose as an innocent victim of highhandedness if collision between institutions could not be averted.<br />
<br />
On December 3, 2011 Newsweek published another article by Ijaz on a website in which Ijaz claimed that Haqqani had prior knowledge of the US “stealth mission to eliminate bin Laden that would violate Pakistan’s sovereignty.” Haqqani denied having any prior information of the Abbottabad Operation.<br />
<br />
In another development, on December 4, 2011 President Zardari’s spokesman Farhatullah Babar announced that the president would address the joint session of the parliament after Ashura, which was falling on December 6.<br />
<br />
It was understood that Zardari intended to speak about the proceedings subjudice before the Supreme Court on the controversial memo and the ISAF / NATO attack on Pakistani border posts, which had strained relations with the United States. Significantly the announcement of President Zardari’s address referred to him also as the Co-Chairman of the PPP and the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces. This was unusual.<br />
<br />
In a surprising development that created breath-taking suspense, on the day of Ashura (December 6) President Zardari suddenly left for Dubai. The statements of the PPP leaders about his departure compounded the confusion and confounded the nation.<br />
<br />
The presidential spokesman stated that Zardari had gone to Dubai to visit his children and also to undergo some tests. Another PPP source stated the president needed “some time off from this madness.”<br />
<br />
Late night reports said that Zardari had been admitted to hospital after he had a heart attack. A blog story claimed that the president was incoherent while speaking with President Barrack Obama on Sunday (December 4) because he felt that the noose was tightening around his neck.<br />
<br />
In this back drop, the speculation became rife that he had left under some kind of deal offering safe passage and would submit his resignation soon. However, when asked about a possibility of soft coup in Pakistan, the US State Department said: “We have no concerns; we think it is health-related.”<br />
<br />
In an emergency meeting of the PPP leaders in Islamabad on December 8 jointly chaired by Prime Minister Gilani and chairman of the party Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, the PPP leaders decided to close their ranks in the face of growing challenges for the party. It seemed something critical was in the offing.<br />
<br />
The next day, Zardari called Gilani and some journalists from hospital in Dubai. Reportedly he was his usual self. He stated that he left for Dubai because he did not trust hospitals in Pakistan and would be back soon. He dispelled the idea that he would resign. Now the questions that bothered the people were: Why did Zardari not trust hospitals in Pakistan? Was there any threat to his life and from whom? Was the military establishment or any of its agencies after him?<br />
<br />
The same day (December 9) in his reply to the Supreme Court Haqqani, inter alia, submitted that Nawaz Sharif’s petition was not maintainable because it failed to highlight any violation of (his) fundamental rights and was based on allegations made by a dubious individual.<br />
<br />
He also challenged the Supreme Court’s Order dated December 1. His petition challenging the Supreme Court Order was returned by the Registrar Supreme Court’s Office with some objections. Haqqani challenged the Registrar Supreme Court’s decision the following day.<br />
<br />
In an interview with BBC on December 10, Gilani denied that Zardari had suffered from any stroke or that he had written a letter of resignation. He also dismissed speculation about any quiet coup.<br />
<br />
Within 72 hours, things again appeared uncertain. This time it was a meeting on December 13 between Prime Minister Gilani and Chairman Senate Farooq H. Naek who was serving as acting president. The official press release said that they discussed the memo scandal.<br />
<br />
On December 14 Gilani told the Senate that there had been a threat to President’s life if he had gone to Pakistan Institute of Medical Sciences when his father was admitted there and, therefore, the president was persuaded to go to Dubai [instead of PIMS].<br />
<br />
In the same speech Prime Minister stated: “Parliament, and not the government and the prime minister, should complete the term. It does not make any difference if I sit on opposition benches.”<br />
<br />
Glani claimed that he had two-third majority in the National Assembly and if he resigned the opposition would not be in a position to form the government. He added: “In that case both of us will have to go and there will be no elections in our life time.” Gilani further said that there was a procedure in the Constitution to impeach the president and that the Constitution should be followed to keep the country intact.<br />
<br />
Gilani again called the memo controversy a conspiracy against the parliament. He stated: “What is the purpose of taking to the court an incredible document authored by a person having a history of writing articles against Pakistan, its government and establishment.”<br />
<br />
On December 14, Independent, a British newspaper published an article titled “Pakistan’s memo gate: was there ever going to be a coup?” by Omar Warriach based on Mansoor Ijaz’s, alleged, claim that General Pasha had visited Arab countries for discussion on a possible coup in Pakistan.<br />
<br />
In the blog posted on Independent newspaper’s website Ijaz was quoted as having explained the following Blackberry message which he claimed to have sent to Haqqani: “I was just informed by senior US Intel that GD – SII [DG ISI] Mr. P asked for, and received permission, from senior Arab leaders a few days ago to sack Z.”<br />
<br />
In the message, Intel stood for Intelligence Officer, P for Pasha and Z for Zardari. Reportedly Pasha had gone on a secret foreign trip on May 6, 2011.<br />
<br />
December 15, 2011 was the last date for submission of reply to the Supreme Court in the memo case. The Supreme Court received the replies of all respondents except President Zardari.<br />
<br />
In its reply the federal government requested the Supreme Court to dismiss Nawaz Sharif’s petition. It said that it was essential that the Parliamentary Committee on National Security should proceed with the probe to determine the issue and give its recommendations.<br />
<br />
The reply stated: “It is the stance of the federation that the federal government (including the constitutional head of the state, the constitutional chief executive of the country or any other component of the federal government) has neither conceptualised nor initiated or, in manner, has anything to do with the alleged memo or the allegations or views expressed therein.”<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Intriguingly, the federation’s reply attached a downloaded copy of Omar Warraich’s article published in Independent of December 14. This was an indication that the PPP government was prepared to counter attack the military establishment.<br />
<br />
In his somewhat circumspect reply General Kayani stated: “There may be a need to fully examine the facts and circumstances leading to conception and issuance of the memo.” He also said that the matter had an impact on national security and the morale of Pakistan Army.<br />
<br />
General Pasha in his reply called for a thorough investigation and stated that “access to unadulterated truth and justice” was the right of the people of Pakistan, “the real sovereign masters of this country.”<br />
<br />
Both, the Army Chief and DG ISI, initially, held Haqqani responsible for the controversial memo.<br />
<br />
In his submission spread over 81 pages, Mansoor Ijaz gave his version of the events since he was first time allegedly contacted by Haqqani for the drafting and communication of the memo.<br />
<br />
On December 16, Jones came in support of Haqqani stating that he had no reason to believe that Haqqani had any role in the preparation of the memo. He did not elaborate what was the basis of his belief vindicating HH, and did not spell out the reasons for such vindication, when the matter is subjudice before the apex Court in Pakistan.<br />
<br />
The same day Gilani and Kayani met and, according to the statement issued by the prime minister’s office, agreed that their replies to the Supreme Court should not be misconstrued as “a standoff between the army and the government.”<br />
It was reported that during the meeting Gilani received a phone call of Zardari and Kayani also talked to the president. Next day prime minister was upbeat and told the media that both army and judiciary were with democracy and they would not derail the system.<br />
<br />
In the early hours of December 19 President Zardari landed in Karachi.<br />
<br />
It appeared that the tense moments were over.<br />
<br />
But the optimism was quite short-lived. The Supreme Court took up the memo issue in the morning and at the outset of the hearing the Chief Justice, after referring to the press conference of the PPP leaders held on December 1, observed: “If the prime minister is of the opinion (that whatever uttered was not the stand of the government) he should tell what action he has taken knowing well that the matter is pending before the court.”<br />
<br />
The Supreme Court noted that Zardari had not submitted his reply and told the attorney general that when allegations were not rebutted, these were normally considered to be true. The Supreme Court also sought para-wise comments from the respondents on petitions and replies.<br />
<br />
The same day (December 19) Inter Services Public Relations issued a statement to dispel the impression that there had been any deal between Zardari and Kayani. The statement clarified that the President and the Army Chief talked for about a minute. “Hence, attributing anything more to this conversation is unfounded and unnecessary.”<br />
<br />
Temperature in Islamabad rose again.<br />
<br />
On December 20, the Ministry of Defence submitted to the Supreme Court that it exercised only administrative control and no operational control over the armed forces of Pakistan as well as the ISI.<br />
<br />
The sign of friction between the civilian set-up and the military establishment became more evident.<br />
<br />
In an important development on December 21, the ISPR denied that the DG ISI had met any Arab leader between May 1 and 9 and that stated that visits to Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates prior and after these dates were of routine nature. This had become imperative because a petition had been filed in the Supreme Court seeking removal of Pasha as ISI Chief.<br />
<br />
When others were complying with the directive of the Supreme Court, the PPP leaders held a meeting on December 21 to deliberate if Zardari should submit his reply or not. The PPP appeared to be on collision path.<br />
<br />
December 22 was the worst day of the crisis.<br />
<br />
While addressing at a function to commemorate the birth anniversary of the Quaid-i-Azam, Prime Minister Gilani stated that a conspiracy against his government was being hatched. He said that “a state within state” would not be tolerated and added: “all institutions, including the ministry of defence, should be answerable to parliament and the chief executive, who is the prime minister.” Obviously he was upset with the reply submitted by the Secretary of Defence to the Supreme Court and wanted to assert the authority of the civilian arm of the government over the military.<br />
<br />
Later in the day he spoke in the National Assembly and pointedly said that he had set up a commission to know about those who were responsible for allowing Osama bin Laden to live in Abbottabad for six years. He repeated: “All institutions of the country are answerable to parliament and nobody is above law.”<br />
<br />
It was a full-blown crisis. It seemed the point of no-return had been reached and the military may act any moment to wind up the civilian set-up.<br />
<br />
At this juncture some western diplomats became active to defuse the crisis.<br />
<br />
Next day the things settled down to a considerable extent.<br />
<br />
Quite unusually, Chief of the Army Staff during his visit to forward posts in Mohmand and Kurram agencies stated: “Pakistan Army has and will continue to support democratic process in the country.” But he accused the government of diverting attention from the memo affair by raising alarm of coup. “Irrespective of all other considerations, there can be no compromise on national security,” he clarified.<br />
<br />
During a hearing in the Supreme Court, Chief justice Chaudhry also made it clear that unlike in the past, there would be no validation of military takeover. “The (amended) code of conduct demands the judges to preserve and protect the Constitution at all cost. The system will run according to what the Constitution commands,” he stated.<br />
<br />
This was not the first time that uncertainty gripped the country.<br />
<br />
On a number of occasions since the PPP came to power it appeared that the civilian and military leaderships were on a collision course or the executive and the judiciary were on a war path. Every time the PPP played on the front foot, directly or indirectly, accusing the army and judiciary of hatching conspiracy against democracy and the civilian set-up.<br />
<br />
The truth is that all these three institutions have failed to fulfil their responsibilities within the parameters of the Constitution in varying degrees. The executive has not fully complied with the orders and directives of the Supreme Court issued in different cases. Although on several occasions the prime minister has assured the nation that the orders of the Supreme Court would be implemented in letter and spirit, the facts do not substantiate his claim. Often it appeared that the executive was dodging the Supreme Court or playing hide and seek with it.<br />
<br />
On its part, the superior judiciary has also given the impression that it has been a bit selective in taking up cases. There is the petition of Asghar Khan concerning the distribution of money by secret agencies to political rivals of the PPP.<br />
<br />
There is the case questioning the legitimacy of Shabaz Sharif as Chief Minister of Punjab. There are a large number of cases against the leaders and workers of the MQM for committing violence, including murders, which should have been reopened or restored after the NRO was declared null and void.<br />
<br />
There is the case against the MQM for creating mayhem in Karachi on May 12, 2007 in which at least 40 people were killed. When Sindh High Court tried to take up the matter of May 12 the MQM workers threateningly surrounded the Sindh High Court. The High Court was brow-beaten by the MQM thugs but the Supreme Court did nothing.<br />
<br />
It is also a truth that the military establishment and its agencies – Military Intelligence or Inter-Services Intelligence – have to live with lot of past baggage. In every general election, the military establishment historically resorts to pre-poll, polling day and post-poll manipulations.<br />
<br />
It jealously and exclusively controls the defence and foreign policies of the country. At time people get the impression that the armed forces have monopolised patriotism and do not consider the civilians trustworthy.<br />
<br />
Having said all this, one should take it as a good omen that the Supreme Court has made it clear that it would not bestow legitimacy to any extra-constitutional act of taking over the government and the military establishment has given assurance that it does not intend to derail the democratic process.<br />
<br />
Pakistan Muslim League (N) has shown great maturity by declaring that it will oppose any military intervention. Almost all important political parties have supported the democratic process. Same is the stand taken by the media in general and representatives of the civil society in particular.<br />
<br />
But then this leads us to the question: what next?<br />
<br />
For the PPP leadership it is the time for introspection and soul-searching. It needs to reform itself and become more responsive to people’s demands and aspirations. No one can challenge the authority of the government if it is able to command popular trust and respect.<br />
<br />
Obviously the best course for the ruling coalition is to address the grievances of the people and focus on improving the quality of governance. It should address the complaints of corruption, favouritism, nepotism, breakdown in law and order, energy crisis, mismanagement in state corporations, inflation, economic meltdown and other issues. It also has to show that it respects the other institutions of the state as “as it desires to be respected.<br />
<br />
If the present slide continues, the people may get completely tired and ultimately become fed up of the civilian rule. The fatigue is already visible. To be frank, it is largely due to the Imran Khan factor that a considerable segment of masses has retained some hope in democratic process.<br />
<br />
The PPP should understand that, despite all proclamations in the favour of democracy, there is a thresh hold of tolerance and the army or the Supreme Court may perforce decide to wind up the system in national interests if there is a further deterioration in governance and if the government continues on the collision course.<br />
<br />
The possibility of such an eventuality is highly pronounced, despite the clear and forth right announcement by both the institutions, given the propensity of the incumbent Zardari-Gilani dispensation to provoke confrontation with these state institutions.<br />
<br />
Such an eventuality will be a reality if they were to indulge in any ill-conceived adventurism against the Army and Judiciary. They ought to take a leaf from the contemporary instances of such adventurism by Nawaz Sharif in 1993 and again by Nawaz Sharif in October 1999.<br />
<br />
For the government the best course would be to resign and go to the people for a fresh mandate, but it is a tall order for the incumbent government, although the entire dispensation is crying hoarse thatit believes in the power of ballot.<br />
<br />
Hence, given the prevailing environment, for the opposition, the best course available is to resign from the assemblies and force the government to go for the fresh polls.<br />
<br />
After the resignations the opposition should simultaneously press for having an independent Election Commission, preparation of fool proof voters’ list as directed by the Supreme Court and peaceful conduct of polling on the day of elections.<br />
<br />
It should not insist on resignation or removal of President Zardari as a prerequisite for transparent and fair general elections. Any such demand would be unconstitutional and would set a bad example. As for the President, let the cases before the Supreme Court run its course and the President should honour, abide and bow before the outcome of those cases.<br />
<br />
As far as the controversial memo is concerned, let there be an inquiry commission by the Supreme Court and let it submit its report to the Supreme Court and let the Supreme Court decide the future line of action and if anyone is found responsible, the laws should take its own course, may it be Haqqani or even the President.<br />
<br />
The army has already got over stretched. Its primary responsibility is to defend the country against foreign aggression and internal insurgencies. It should not offer an opportunity to the PPP leaders to go down as martyrs. Any reckless adventurism will bring bad name to the army and it would be thoroughly discredited in a short span.<br />
<br />
It is not in the interest of the country to upset the applecart when elections are possible constitutionally and that is the only democratic way to go forward.<br />
<br />
There’s certainly a lot of legitimate debate about what exactly government is supposed to be expected to do, and what is the best way to go about doing it. Perhaps you in fact think it appropriate to take some people’s money at gunpoint to give to poor folks (like YOU, no doubt). But recognize this is what you are doing, and don’t kid yourself that it’s something truly different than if you just walked into the bank with a gun — other than you’re getting someone else to do your dirty work. The stick-up artist is just cutting out the middleman. As HL Mencken memorably put it, “Every election is a sort of advance auction sale of stolen goods.”<br />
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That said, Mr President and Mr Prime Minister, seize the moment and go to the people, your government has run out of steam. Live up to what you preach and let the change come through the ballot, the power of the ballot is what we need in sheer defence; else what shall save us from a second slavery?<br />
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However, do not misunderstand and think that ballots are the opposite of bullets. They are not. They are just a substitute for muting direct violence, not the elimination of violence.Mohammed Yousuf, (Advocate)http://www.blogger.com/profile/02644165187785886133noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7952916163469380640.post-34315167532266615202011-11-09T13:44:00.000+05:002011-11-09T13:44:00.980+05:00Pakistan and the Endgame in AfghanistanPakistan and the Endgame in Afghanistan<br />
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By amicus • Nov 9th, 2011 • Category: Lead Story • 3 Comments<br />
After completing the review of America’s ongoing ‘war on terror’ and related situation in Afghanistan and Pakistan, President Barack Obama addressed the nation from West Point, New York, on December 1, 2009, to announce: “.. as Commander-in-Chief, I have determined to send an additional 30,000 US troops to Afghanistan. After 18 months, our troops will begin to come home. These are the resources that we need to seize the initiative, while building the Afghan capacity that can allow for a responsible transition of our forces out of Afghanistan.”<br />
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In order to comply with the timetable set for starting the withdrawal of American troops, the US Administration stepped up military operations against the Taliban strongholds in Afghanistan and built pressure on Pakistan to do the same in different parts of Federally Administered Tribal Areas where allegedly there were safe havens of the militants.<br />
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Although Pakistan opened new fronts against the Taliban in the tribal region, it was selective in choosing its targets. In particular, Pakistan was not prepared to act against the Haqqani network based in North Waziristan and denied the existence of the so-called Quetta Shura. Pakistan’s military establishment regards them as strategic assets to be used to safeguard Pakistan’s interests in post-American Afghanistan. There is divergence of goals in Afghanistan between Pakistan and USA.<br />
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The US-Pakistan cooperation received a setback in January 2011 when Raymond Davis, a CIA operative, killed two Pakistanis in Lahore and was caught. The incident exposed some clandestine CIA activities that were in conflict with Pakistan’s national security interests and the Pakistan security establishment decided to impose certain restrictions on the CIA operatives and private contractors hired by the agency.<br />
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As if the Raymond Davis Case was not enough, on May 2, 2011, the US Navy Seals conducted an operation in Abbottabad hunting Osama bin Laden. The Abbottabad Operation was highly secret and the Pakistan military establishment was not taken into confidence even at the highest level. At least two US helicopters and a C-130 plane blatantly violated Pakistani airspace to conduct the operation deep inside Pakistani territory.<br />
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The Abbottabad Operation led to breakdown of trust between the United States and Pakistan. The US Administration suspected the ISI or some of its officers of harboring Osama bin Laden and other high value targets. On the other side, the Pakistani military establishment was jolted out of its slumber to realize the nature of threats that existed to Pakistan’s status as a sovereign state.<br />
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On 22 May terrorists played havoc in the Mehran Base of Pakistan Navy in Karachi, further heightening the sense of insecurity and vulnerability of the armed forces.<br />
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All these incidents cast aspersions on the preparedness and ability of Pakistan Armed Forces to defend the country and their own installations. They also raised questions about the costs and benefits of Pakistan’s role in what was essentially an American war.<br />
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Pakistan had been cooperating with the United States to the utmost limit commensurate with its security interests. It had allowed the US to use drones at will to attack targets in FATA, which had enabled the US forces to eliminate a number of Al-Qaeda operatives. More than 30,000 Pakistani civilians and 3,500 armed forces personnel had lost their lives in ‘war on terror’. Pakistan’s economy had suffered a loss of nearly $60 billion since 9/11 and here was the United States that did not trust it or adequately compensate it and only demanded that Pakistan should ‘do more’.<br />
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Inside Afghanistan, there was a resurgence of the Taliban and, although the US Administration was reluctant to admit, the things were not working as planned. The incompetent and corrupt Karzai regime was not able to expand its writ effectively or strengthen its national security apparatus to the requisite extent. Counter-insurgency (COIN) needed popular support which was not forthcoming.<br />
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Notwithstanding the grim scenario, President Obama was determined to go ahead with what he had promised to the American people in his West Point speech of December 1, 2009.<br />
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Addressing the nation from White House on June 22, 2011, Obama referred to his West Point speech and recalled that there were clear objectives of the surge: to refocus on Al Qaeda; reverse the Taliban’s momentum; and train Afghan Security Forces to defend their own country, and that American commitment in Afghanistan was not to be open-ended.<br />
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Obama also declared that starting next month i.e., July, the American troops would start withdrawing from Afghanistan and by the summer of 2012 a total of 33,000 troops would have returned home. He said that after this initial reduction American troops would continue coming home at a steady pace as Afghan security forces moved into the lead. He added that American mission would change from combat to support. By 2014, the process of transition would be complete and the Afghan people would be responsible for their security.<br />
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Obama claimed that the United States was starting the drawdown from a position of strength. He said that Al Qaeda was under more pressure than at any other time since 9/11 and, working, together with the Pakistan, the Americans had taken out more than half of Al Qaeda’s leadership.<br />
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Emphasizing upon the need for a political settlement in Afghanistan, Obama stated that as the United States strengthened the Afghanistan government and security forces, it would join initiatives to reconcile the Afghan people, including the Taliban. “Our position on these talks is clear: they must be led by the Afghan government, and those who want to be a part of peaceful Afghanistan must break from Al Qaeda, abandon violence, and abide by the Afghan Constitution”, he added.<br />
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Obama made it clear that the American goal was to ensure there were no safe havens from which Al Qaeda or its affiliates could launch attacks against American homeland or American allies. He said that the United States would build an enduring partnership with the Afghan people to ensure that it was able to continue targeting terrorists and supporting a sovereign Afghan government. This implied that some American forces would continue to stay in Afghanistan for an indefinite period.<br />
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Alleging the presence of terrorist safe-havens in Pakistan, Obama stated: “. . . we will continue to press Pakistan to expand its participation in securing a more peaceful future for this war-torn region. We will work with the Pakistan government to root out the cancer of violent extremism, and we will insist that it keeps its commitment.”<br />
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While defining these broad features of American plan for endgame in Afghanistan, Obama said that as there would be dark days ahead in Afghanistan, the light of secure peace could be seen in the distance.<br />
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Soon after Obama’s speech, there was a marked surge in the Taliban activities in Afghanistan.<br />
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On June 28, 2011, there was an attack on Intercontinental Hotel in Kabul in which at least ten people were killed. On August 19, at least sixteen people lost their lives and twenty-two were injured in a suicide attack on the British Council in Kabul. On September 10, there was a truck bombing at a NATO outpost in Wardak province that killed four civilians and wounded seventy-seven American troops. On September 13, the militants targeted US Embassy, NATO headquarters and some other high profile installations with rocket-propelled grenades, gunfire and suicide bombings. In the assault which continued for 20 hours sixteen people lost their lives and six NATO troops were wounded.<br />
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This was too much for the Americans. The US officials blamed the Haqqani network for these attacks and started brow-beating Pakistan.<br />
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On September 15, US Defense Secretary Leon Panetta told the Senate Committee on Armed Services that the US could take “operational steps” to eliminate the threat emanating from terrorist sanctuaries which he alleged were situated in the Pakistani tribal belt. “I think the message they [Pakistanis] need to know is we’re going to do everything we can to defend our forces.”<br />
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US Military Chief Admiral Mike Mullen hurled the accusation during the Congressional hearing: “The Haqqani network, for one, acts as a veritable arm of Pakistan’s Internal Services Intelligence agency. With ISI support, the Haqqani operatives planned and conducted that truck bomb attack, as well as the assault on our embassy.” He claimed: “We also have credible intelligence that they were behind the June 28 attack on the Intercontinental Hotel in Kabul and a host of other smaller, but effective operations.” He warned: “In choosing to use violent extremism as an instrument of policy, the government of Pakistan – and most especially the Pakistan Army and ISI – jeopardizes not only the prospect of our strategic partnership, but also Pakistan’s opportunity to be a respected nation with legitimate regional influence.”<br />
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In an interview to Radio Pakistan, Ambassador Cameron Munter also blamed the Haqqani network for Kabul attack and said: “There is evidence linking the Haqqani network to the Pakistan government. This is something that must stop.”<br />
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Subsequently US Secretary of State Hilary Clinton gave a long lecture to Pakistan Foreign Minister Hina Rabbani Khar on the possible consequences of Pakistan’s failure to rein in the Haqqanis.<br />
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Perhaps the US objective was to make Pakistan a scapegoat for its failure in Afghanistan. The Americans were conveniently forgetting that if the militants had their bases on Pakistani soil, they must have travelled a long distance inside Afghanistan to reach Kabul to carry out the assault without any check on the part of NATO/ISAF.<br />
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The US officials were also ignoring the fact that there had been attacks inside Pakistan from across the border with Afghanistan which the NATO/ISAF or the Afghan security forces had failed to prevent.<br />
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Implicit in the US posturing was the threat that it could retaliate against Pakistan for its failure to act against the Haqqani network. It could resort to air-raids against alleged targets inside Pakistan or the NATO/ISAF could cross the Durand Line in hot-pursuit of the militants. This obviously created a sense of emergency in Pakistan.<br />
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On September 16, Pakistan Army Chief General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani, while addressing the meeting of NATO Chiefs of Defense in Seville, Spain, stated that Pakistan was committed to struggle against terrorism but it was Pakistan’s sovereign right to formulate its policy “in accordance with its national interests and the wishes of the Pakistani people.”<br />
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The situation took yet another nasty turn.<br />
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On September 20, a Taliban suicide bomber killed Burhanuddin Rabbani, an ethnic Tajik and a former President of Afghanistan, who was the head of the High Peace Council formed by the Afghanistan Government to work for a political settlement in the country. Reportedly Burhanuddin was working on a plan that included offering amnesty and jobs to Taliban fighters and asylum to Taliban leaders in third countries.<br />
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Some quarters in Afghanistan pointed fingers towards Pakistan claiming that the assassin had come from FATA.<br />
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In this backdrop, Pakistan Government and the military establishment felt the need to demonstrate national unity and consensus on the Afghanistan policy and a firm resolution to face American threats and challenges to Pakistan’s sovereignty and security.<br />
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On September 29, 2011, an All Parties Conference was convened in Islamabad in which the Chief of Army Staff General Kayani and ISI Chief Shuja Pasha were also present.<br />
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Among other things the APC recognized that there had to be “a new direction and policy with focus on peace and reconciliation.” It called for initiation of dialogue with a view to negotiate peace with “our own people” in the tribal area.<br />
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The APC made it clear that defense of Pakistan’s sovereignty and territorial integrity was a sacred duty which should never be compromised. It said that national interests were supreme and should guide Pakistan’s policy and response to all challenges at all times.<br />
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The APC rejected the assertions and baseless allegations made [by the United States] against Pakistan. It called them of no substance and derogatory to a partnership approach. The APC declared: “The Pakistani nation affirms its full solidarity and support for the armed forces of Pakistan in defeating any threat to national security.”<br />
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The message was loud and clear to the United States: This time Pakistan had decided to show spine.<br />
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The Haqqanis were not Pakistan’s headache; they had done no harm to Pakistan; if they were involved in attacks against the occupational forces in Afghanistan, it was their problem.<br />
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If the United States opted for any military adventurism inside FATA or stopped aid, Pakistan could withdraw from the so-called American war on terror; it could bring to a halt nearly 75% of supplies to the NATO/ISAF that passed through its territory. If the United States sought Pakistan’s continued cooperation, it had to take Pakistan’s legitimate interests and security concerns into consideration.<br />
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Perhaps the United States had not expected Pakistan to take a tough stand. It understood that if Pakistan withdrew its cooperation, the Afghan tangle would become far more difficult to resolve. It was essential to have Pakistan on board for the timely endgame in Pakistan. As a result the US officials changed their tone.<br />
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On September 30, Obama stated that Mullen was expressing “frustration” over alleged safe havens when he referred to the Haqqani network as an arm of Pakistan’s ISI. “The intelligence is not as clear as we might like in terms of what exactly that relationship is”, he added.<br />
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In order to sort out Pakistan-United States differences, Clinton visited Pakistan on October 20-21. Although the mantra of terrorist safe havens on Pakistani territory and Pakistan’s responsibility to eliminate them continued, her mission included cooling down of the temperature and improving the US image in the Pakistani media.<br />
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Significantly Clinton urged Pakistan to play the role of a peacemaker in Afghanistan. She stated: “We think that Pakistan for a variety of reasons has the capacity to encourage, push, to squeeze . . . terrorists, including the Haqqanis and Afghan Taliban, to be willing to engage in the peace process.”<br />
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She declared that the United States respected Pakistan’s sovereignty and would not take any unilateral action against the terrorists on Pakistani soil.<br />
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On her return home, Clinton clarified that the United States had asked Pakistanis to squeeze the Taliban and the Haqqani network but that did not necessarily mean “overt military action” against them. She also admitted that there were safe havens of the Pakistani Taliban in Afghanistan.<br />
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As of today certain dimensions of the Afghanistan tangle are clear.<br />
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The United States is prepared to negotiate with the Taliban, including the Haqqani network and Mulla Umar-led so-called Quetta Shura, for the formation of a broad-based government in Afghanistan but insists that these negotiations should be (apparently) led by the Afghanistan Government.<br />
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In fact, according to US State Department the United States, Pakistan and Afghanistan have agreed to hold a trilogue with the Taliban and operational details are being worked out.<br />
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The United States intends to withdraw the bulk of its forces from Afghanistan by the end of 2014. Its NATO allies are even in greater hurry to wind up their operations. However, the US Administration wants an unspecified number of American troops to stay at selected places, bases and installations in Afghanistan. This is to enable the United States to monitor the situation in Afghanistan and the region as a whole.<br />
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Simultaneously, the United States is inclined to give an important role to India in Afghanistan. Due to China factor there is substantial compatibility of the US-India interests in the region.<br />
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At present the Taliban are reluctant to negotiate with the American until foreign troops are withdrawn from Afghanistan. Pakistan has some clout over the Haqqanis and the Afghan Taliban. It can serve as bridge and facilitator between the two but cannot guarantee the success of the negotiations.<br />
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The United States should also understand that there cannot be pre-conditions. The Taliban cannot be asked to lay down arms, sever ties with the Al Qaeda or declare respect for the Afghan Constitution before the start of negotiations.<br />
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The Haqqani network has declared itself a part of the Taliban. It has asked the Americans to establish contact with Mulla Umar, whom the Taliban regard as the commander of the faithful (Amir-ul Momineen). It has rejected previous overtures of the United States for talks on the suspicion that they aimed at creating fissures and divisions among the Taliban.<br />
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As far as Pakistan is concerned, it considers Afghanistan, particularly its Pashtun-dominated southern and eastern parts, as of vital interest.<br />
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Pakistan believes that India is aspiring to have a foothold and say in Afghanistan which is not commensurate with what it rightly deserves. There are reports that India plans to train Afghan forces and have some military contingents and advisors permanently stationed in Afghanistan. The Afghanistan-India strategic alliance with provision for cooperation in the field of defense is a nightmare for Pakistan.<br />
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India can ask for extension of proposed Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan gas pipeline to its territory. It can also aspire to have transit trade facilities across Pakistani territory to Afghanistan and beyond. But a permanent Indian military presence in Afghanistan is an unacceptable security risk for Pakistan.<br />
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Pakistan’s claim for a say in Afghanistan’s future is based on solid grounds. No other country has so close ethnic affinity with Afghanistan as Pakistan. Not only is the Afghanistan-Pakistan border long and porous, traditionally there has been free movement of Pashtun tribesmen across it. Since independence, Pakistan has provided transit trade facilities to Afghanistan. There are still nearly three million Afghan refugees in Pakistan. India’s interests in Afghanistan do not match Pakistan’s legitimate claims.<br />
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There are irrefutable evidences of Indian interference in Pakistan’ Baluchistan province and FATA. The Indian consulates on the Afghanistan side of the Durand Line are responsible for master-minding several terror attacks inside Pakistan. They support Baloch insurgents to destabilize the province. If Pakistan’s security concerns about post-American Afghanistan are not addressed now, it would have no option other to use militant organizations to target Indian interests in Afghanistan and the peace in the region would remain elusive.<br />
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It is heartening that Clinton has shown understanding of Pakistan’s position and complexity of the situation.<br />
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On October 27, she told the Congress Committee on Foreign Affairs: “There is no solution in the region without Pakistan and no stable future in the region without a partnership.”<br />
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She insisted that the US aid to Pakistan should not be made conditional on disbanding of Lashkar-i-Taiba and that the real game-changer in the region would be a stronger relationship between Pakistan and India.<br />
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“You can always count on Americans to do the right thing – after they’ve tried everything else.” . . . Winston Churchill.<br />
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Tagged as: FATA, Haqqani Network, Hillary Clinton, Lashkar-i-Taiba, War on TerrorMohammed Yousuf, (Advocate)http://www.blogger.com/profile/02644165187785886133noreply@blogger.com34tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7952916163469380640.post-60413978675079878462011-10-06T20:15:00.000+05:002011-10-06T20:15:03.050+05:00Detailed Judgement Supreme Court of Pakistan-Karachi SituationA Five Member Bench of Supreme Court of Pakistan, headed by Chief Justice of Pakistan Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, announced detailed Judgment on Suo-Moto Case No. 16 of 2011 and other petitions Regarding Suo-Moto action on Law and Order situation in Karachi.Mohammed Yousuf, (Advocate)http://www.blogger.com/profile/02644165187785886133noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7952916163469380640.post-42956619994521159662011-09-29T18:42:00.000+05:002011-09-29T18:42:22.425+05:00The Karachi Crisis<h2>The Karachi Crisis</h2><small>By <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/author/amicus/" title="Posts by amicus">amicus</a> • Sep 29th, 2011 • Category: <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/category/politics/" rel="category tag" title="View all posts in Politics">Politics</a> • No Responses </small> <br />
<div class="entry"><ins style="border: medium none; display: inline-table; height: 280px; margin: 0pt; padding: 0pt; position: relative; visibility: visible; width: 336px;"><ins id="aswift_0_anchor" style="border: medium none; display: block; height: 280px; margin: 0pt; padding: 0pt; position: relative; visibility: visible; width: 336px;"></ins></ins> As a result of the on-going discourse and proceedings in the Supreme Court on the Karachi crisis, there has emerged a general consensus that the various mafias involved in extortion (bhatta-taking), kidnapping for ransom, drug peddling, arms proliferation, land grabbing and target-killings are either part and parcel of different political, ethnic and sectarian parties or enjoy their patronage, protection and blessings.<br />
It has also been further confirmed that the three principal stake-holders – the PPP, the MQM and the ANP – are largely responsible for the ineffective role of law enforcement agencies in stemming the tide of crimes in the metropolis. They are reluctant to look beyond narrow party interests and their leaders have insatiable lust for material gains.<br />
DG Rangers has informed the Supreme Court that the armed groups belonging to different political and religious parties hide their illicit weapons in their respective party offices where law-enforcement personnel are denied access. According to him, the situation in Karachi is worse than Waziristan. The DG Rangers is not exaggerating.<br />
Extremely alarming is the recent phenomenon of abduction of innocent people on the ground of their ethnic or linguistic identity and their execution through beheading or torturing to death in the most heinous manner. The uploading of gory scenes shot in torture cells on You-tube has terrorized the people in Karachi. The involvement of foreign powers with local political forces cannot be ruled out.<br />
The questions are: Where is the city of Karachi heading to? Is there any solution?<br />
It would be of great worth if the Supreme Court is able to dig out the root causes of the lawlessness in Karachi and set some general guidelines to overcome the crisis. However, judicial process has its limitations and judiciary cannot act politically.<br />
It is time the principal stake-holders and political forces, in particular the PPP, the MQM and the ANP, resolved their differences in the light of ground realities and took necessary steps to restore law and order in Karachi.<br />
A sensible and patriotic course for the civilian government and political forces would be to forge understanding broadly on the following lines:<br />
• Recognition of demographic changes that have taken place in Karachi since 9/11 and power-sharing on its basis.<br />
• Fresh delimitation of National and Provincial Assembly constituencies to make them reflective of Karachi’s current demography.<br />
• Restoration of the City District Government of Karachi (with commensurate changes in Hyderabad) and holding of local bodies elections.<br />
• Making the Election Commission of Pakistan completely independent, preparation of fool proof voters’ lists and taking of appropriate steps to ensure that the general and local bodies’ elections are held freely, fairly and transparently.<br />
• Cleansing of political parties of criminal elements, disbanding of their armed groups/wings and renunciation of violence as an instrument of policy by all political parties.<br />
• Stern across the board and indiscriminate action by law enforcement agencies – police and rangers – against criminal groups and mafias, including those affiliated with the political parties, particularly the PPP, the MQM and the ANP.<br />
• If required, imposition of Governor’s rule or calling of the armed forces to civilian help under Article 245 of the Constitution.<br />
• Strengthening of prosecution process and improvement in collection of evidence, especially forensic evidence.<br />
• Offering adequate protection to judicial officials and witnesses.<br />
• Holding of trials of terrorists without any political interference.<br />
• Necessary and practical steps to check flow of arms and seizure of unlicensed arms. Cancellation of arms licenses given on political consideration.<br />
• Across the board accountability in all government departments to check corruption and mismanagement. Improvement in the quality of governance.<br />
Karachi has turned into a jungle and as a part of long-term solution its civic infrastructure would have to be restored, rebuilt and upgraded.<br />
A people psychologically shattered due to electricity outages, disruption in water and gas supply, poor and inadequate transport, health and education systems, housing problems, under-nourishment etc. become prone to committing violence at the slightest instigation and fall an easy prey to anti-social and anti-state propaganda.<br />
If the civilian authorities and political forces fail to forge understanding on taking effective measures, ultimately the Pakistan Armed Forces may have to act to rescue the situation in Karachi on its own.<br />
In other words, the army would have to take-over the whole country.<br />
But the army intervention is likely to have far-reaching positive and negative consequences for the country.<br />
On the positive side, there would be marked improvement in law and order situation in Karachi and elsewhere, due to military action, at least in the short run. The reason: the criminal elements would find themselves without protection of civilian authorities and political parties.<br />
The armed forces would involve technocrats in the administration of the country. This would improve the quality of governance, including decision-making, planning and execution of projects.<br />
The civic agencies would provide relatively better service to the people and respond to their complaints to the possible extent.<br />
There would be reduction in corruption and wastage of resources.<br />
On the negative side, the first casualty would be the country’s Constitution. The nascent democratic process would be wound up and representative institutions, including the National and Provincial Assemblies, would stand dissolved.<br />
The military administration would have to take on board self-serving politicians to serve as a bridge to the people and, as in the past, a King’s Party would have to be formed.<br />
The army that is deeply involved in Baluchistan and FATA would be further over-stretched at the cost of the defence of Pakistan’s western and eastern frontiers.<br />
The centrifugal forces would get strengthened and find an opportunity to intensify its propaganda against the Pakistan Armed Forces. This would become easier for the centrifugal forces, if some mishap happens or extra-judicial killings take place during the military operation.<br />
The professionalism of the armed forces would be compromised and ultimately there would be search for an exit strategy.<br />
At the end of the day the armed forces would decide to hold general elections and transfer power to the same corrupt politicians, whom they are going to remove, to complete another vicious cycle in Pakistan’s chequered political history.<br />
As such, the army intervention would only be justified if the military establishment is prepared to transform the structure of the society by introducing drastic land and taxation reforms and heavily investing in physical infrastructure and social sectors. In other words, the intervention would be beneficial only if the military establishment is prepared to become the torch-bearer of revolutionary change in Pakistan. It should not leave the country in a worse position.<br />
The two stark options have been mentioned above. If neither the civilian government nor the Pakistan Armed Forces address the Karachi situation with sincerity of purpose, the consequences would be disastrous.<br />
Already a considerable part of Karachi has got divided into areas belonging to different ethnic groups. Some localities belonging to Pashtuns or Sindhis and Balochis have become no go areas for Mohajirs. Similarly some Mohajir dominated localities are considered as dangerous by other ethnic groups. In sensitive areas, people belonging to minority communities are feeling unsafe. They are selling their properties at throw-out prices and moving away. There have been reports of ethnic cleansing taking place. The process may be slow but it is there to be observed.<br />
Karachi is on the precipice. Further aggravation in law and order may cause irreparable loss. In the worst case scenario the city may plunge into civil war leading to massive dislocation and indiscriminate killings in hundreds or even thousands.<br />
Demography of Karachi is such that combined population of Pakhtuns, Punjabis, Sindhis and Balochis is almost equal to that of Mohajirs. The symmetry of power may increase the ferocity of the conflict if it becomes free for all.<br />
There are apparently elements within different political parties who do not seem to be sincere with the country. They are likely to work for disintegration of Pakistan. Killings on massive scale would allow them to solicit support of foreign powers, including India and NATO.<br />
Karachi is strategically located. In the context of ‘war on terror’, it has assumed great importance for the United States. The bulk of supplies to NATO/ISAF stationed in Afghanistan first arrive at the port of Karachi. Karachi is the southern gateway to Afghanistan and Central Asia, hence very self-serving point of view too, the United States cannot afford Karachi’s destabilization.<br />
As the first option, the United States and Britain are using their clout to resolve the differences between the PPP and the MQM and want the MQM to re-join the federal and provincial governments. If they fail in their task, they may not remain averse to the Pakistan army taking-over the country to ensure that stability is restored in Karachi. However, if Karachi plunges into civil war and situation becomes extremely critical, they may as a last resort ask NATO to intervene in Karachi to protect their vital interests.<br />
Some political analysts have speculated that the United States is interested in acquiring a corridor from Gwadar to Chaman or some other appropriate point in Baluchistan to have access through land route to Afghanistan and beyond for construction of gas and oil pipelines from Central Asia.<br />
In this manner, the United States would also be able to block China from acquiring access to the Gwadar Port which is situated near the mouth of the Gulf in the Arabian Sea and may acquire presence all along the Pakistan-Iran Border, which would entail horrendous consequences for the region.<br />
Even if this, apparently, far-fetched idea gets materialized, the importance of the port city of Karachi would not diminish in foreseeable future and the United States would go to any extent to restore peace and stability in Karachi. It would love to ensure that there is a proper power-sharing and cooperation between stake-holders / political forces through whatever options available, including military intervention by NATO.<br />
It is about time we the people of Pakistan rise to the occasion and bring peace to Karachi by persuasion, prodding and if necessitated, even by force.<br />
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<span id="tags"><b>Tagged as:</b> <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/tag/afaq-ahmad/" rel="tag">Afaq Ahmad</a>, <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/tag/karachi/" rel="tag">karachi</a>, <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/tag/karachi-target-killing/" rel="tag">Karachi Target Killing</a>, <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/tag/mqm/" rel="tag">mqm</a>, <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/tag/nato/" rel="tag">Nato</a></span>Mohammed Yousuf, (Advocate)http://www.blogger.com/profile/02644165187785886133noreply@blogger.com22tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7952916163469380640.post-55876912042168409712011-08-24T12:19:00.000+05:002011-08-24T12:19:56.396+05:00Making of Mohajir Political Entity and City of Karachi<h2>Making of Mohajir Political Entity and City of Karachi</h2><small>By <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/author/guestblogger/" title="Posts by Guest Blogger">Guest Blogger</a> • Aug 24th, 2011 • Category: <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/category/lead/" rel="category tag" title="View all posts in Lead Story">Lead Story</a> • 5 Comments </small> <div class="entry"> <ins style="border: medium none; display: inline-table; height: 280px; margin: 0pt; padding: 0pt; position: relative; visibility: visible; width: 336px;"><ins id="aswift_0_anchor" style="border: medium none; display: block; height: 280px; margin: 0pt; padding: 0pt; position: relative; visibility: visible; width: 336px;"></ins></ins> <div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Mohajirs constitute a part of the population, which migrated from India to Pakistan after partition in 1947. A majority of migrants came from East Punjab In West Punjab. They got relatively assimilated with the native population within a generation.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">On the other hand, Mohajirs came from areas further east, south and west in India and settled mainly in urban Sindh. They remained largely unassimilated with the local population even after two generations.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Patterns of Migration Number of Share of Ratio in Total Refugees Population</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">1. Pakistan7.22 million 100 10% </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">2. East Bengal.7 million9.67%1.7% </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">3. W. Pakistan6.52 million 90.3%20%</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">4. Punjab5.3 million73%25.6% </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">5. Sindh (ex K).55 million7.6%11.7% </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">6. Karachi.61 million8.53%55% </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Source: Census of Pakistan 1951, Vol. I, Table 19-A, Vol. 6, p. 65.Unlike in Punjab, refugees in Sindh deified integration in the local society because of their linguistic, cultural and historical remoteness from Sindhis. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">These differences were patterned along sectoral lines. 63.9 percent of refugees in Sindh lived in urban areas, 86.16 percent in Hyderabad district and 71 percent in Sukkur.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">In Karachi, there were only 14.28 percent speakers of Sindhi in 1951 as opposed to 58.7 percent who spoke Urdu as their mother tongue. Thus, Karachi overnight became a Mohajir city.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">The government of Pakistan carved the city out of Sindh in July 1948. It became a federally administered area as capital of Pakistan. The process of refugee rehabilitation in Karachi and Sindh generally remained far from satisfactory. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Even in 1954, i.e. 7 years after partition, no less than 2,40,000 out of a total of 7,50,000 refugees in Karachi were still to be rehabilitated.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">While in Punjab, immigration had virtually stopped in 1948, in Sindh it continued even after the passport and visa system was introduced for travel between India and Pakistan.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">About 1,00,000 refugees from India continued to come to Pakistan each year, with a majority belonging to ‘urban classes’ who generally came straight to Karachi. This created an immense problem of settlement, which in turn led to gross frustration among refugees.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Census of Pakistan, Karachi, 1951, Vol. 6, Statement 3-R, p. 36.13Ibid. Vol. 1, Statement 5-C, p. 87.14Debates (CAP), 23 March 1954, p. 405.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Mohajirs constitute a privileged community on the decline. Initially, they dominated the All India Muslim League in British India and later the government in Pakistan.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">However, they occupied an inherently insecure position in terms of electoral politics. Prime Minister-designate Liaqat Ali Khan who was a Mohajir was inducted into the Constituent Assembly in place of an elected member from East Bengal.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">The Mohajir leadership chose to bypass the Constituent Assembly which had been elected by the Muslim members of the legislative assemblies of Muslim majority provinces comprising Pakistan, and which was therefore dominated by ‘locals.’ It shunned elections, which would lead to its exit from power.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Instead, it operated through the higher bureaucracy that was also dominated by migrants of both Punjabi and Mohajir extraction. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Mohajirs who were only 3 percent of the population had 21 percent jobs. Among senior jobs, Mohajirs had 33.5 percent in federal bureaucracy in 1973 and 20 percent in the Secretariat group in 1974;however, their share came down to 18.3 percent in 1986 and 14.3 percent in 1989 respectively.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Mohajirs not only dominated politics and bureaucracy but also business. The Gujrati-speaking migrants from Bombay in India, especially Memon, Bohra and Khoja communities, were in the vanguard of industrialization in Pakistan. Gujrati-speaking Mohajirs controlled seven of the twelve largest industrial houses.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">In 1972, when Bhutto nationalized industry in the ten leading sectors including electrical engineering, petrochemicals, iron and steel as well as rudimentary automotive assembly plants, Mohajirs were dealt a severe blow. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">The Mohajir-led political leadership in the immediate post independence period sought to identify Pakistan with the Islamic world. Political loyalties in Pakistan were thus ‘externalized’ in the name of religion. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Mohajirs also continued to be deeply involved in the fate of Indian Muslims across the border. They were acutely sensitive to the latter’s needs to get jobs and tried to help them migrate to Pakistan. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Indeed, Mohajirs interpreted the Two Nation Theory itself in the context of the right of Indian Muslims to migrate to Pakistan. This led to a general deification of the state, accompanied by a cult of unity of the nation in the face of the perceived Indian bellicosity, largely at the cost of provincial autonomy, indigenous cultures.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Both the first Governor general and the first prime minister of Pakistan were Mohajirs. Similarly, Mohajirs also dominated the Central Working Committee of the Muslim League.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Mohajirs’ political attitudes were typically based on a paternalistic vision of the society, enhanced commitment to ideological mobilization and lack of tolerance for provincial and ethnic aspirations.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Three broad areas of change adversely affected Mohajirs: First, One-Unit was conceived to counter the weight of Bengalis in the National Assembly of Pakistan in view of the latter’s share of 55 percent in the country’s population.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">However, under One Unit, it was Punjabis not Mohajirs who expanded their job circuit. Secondly, the 1958 coup put Punjabi generals in control of key positions in the corporate sector, opening up jobs for their co-ethnics.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Finally, the shift of capital to Islamabad in the vicinity of the General Headquarters in Rawalpindi pointed to the centrality of Punjab-based army in the new dispensation, largely at the expense of Mohajirs.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Pakistan was a state infused with a dominant migrant ethos, couched in an ideological framework of the Two-Nation Theory as the raison d’etre of Pakistan.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">The ruling elite took pride in the achievements of the Indo-Muslim civilization over a thousand years and appropriated its symbols such as Urdu language, Mogul architectural monuments and the Indo-Iranian tradition of art.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">The 1970 election was to change all that. The elite was unable to take into account the massive currents of indigenous revival in East Bengal, Punjab and Sindh. In (W) Pakistan, the Indus Valley overtook the Indo-Muslim civilization as a source of cultural symbols. Territorial nationalism pushed aside ideological nationalism as the dominant mode of thinking.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">The popular refrain in the 1970s was that Pakistan was the home of four cultures, Sindhi, Punjabi, Baloch and Pakhtuns. This gradually legitimized the thesis that Pakistan consisted of four nationalities. The new populism flourished at the cost of the cherished worldview of the migrant elite rooted in a Unitarian model of politics. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">In 1970, the state of Pakistan, which was originally conceived in non-Pakistan areas, finally took roots in the languages and cultures of the country itself. The indigenous revival put a new generation of Sindhi leadership in power.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">It represented popular aspirations identified with historical and cultural identity of Sindh and was committed to the goal of cultural preservation against the perceived onslaught of Mohajirs. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">It criticized the fact that only one fourth of the material in school text books reflected indigenous Pakistani cultures and their heroes while three fourths represented northern Indian cultural symbols and that making of Pakistan was attributed predominantly to Muslims of minority provinces while the role of majority provinces, especially Sindh which voted for Pakistan before others, was ignored.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">The land question was another major source of Sindhi nationalist sentiment. Out of the land brought under cultivation by Ghulam Mohammad, Guddu and Sukkur.<span> </span>For a discussion of the migrant ethos, see Mohammad Waseem, op. cit., pp. 110-11.21Aftab Kazi, ‘Ethnic Nationalities, Education and Problems of National Integration in Pakistan-II’, Sindh Quarterly, 1989, No.1, pp. 21–27.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Barrages, 1.48 million, 0.64 million and 0.28 million acres respectively, ex-military officers and bureaucrats among others—mostly Punjabi but also Mohajirs—were allotted .87 million, 0.32 million and 0.13 million acres in that order.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">The standard Mohajir response to Sindhi protest was that Sindhi waderas were too much given to a life of luxury and Sindhi haris were far too condemned to a life of misery to cultivate lands irrigated by Sukkur Barrage and that Mohajir domination in education and services was the product of inability or unwillingness of Sindhis to fill the vacuum created by the departing Hindus.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Mohajirs favored an open system of recruitment to educational institutions, jobs and businesses through competition on the basis of merit. Sindhis wanted protection through a fixed quota for jobs and services. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">During the second quarter century after independence, Mohajirs’ social vision was effectively ‘nativised’. They now looked at themselves as belonging to Sindh and, especially, Karachi. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">This happened due to arrival of new migrants who challenged their cultural, economic and political interests. During the last half century, Karachi experienced four major waves of migration, comprising Mohajirs (1940s–50s), Punjabis and Pathan (1960s–80s), Sindhis (1970s–90s), and foreigners including from Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq, Ethiopia, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Burma (Myanmar), Thailand and Philippines, among others (1980s–90s).</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">The Mohajir mass public, which represented the bulk of the first wave migrants, squatted in kachi abadis (Shanty Towns), in conditions of acute residential and income insecurity. This situation reflected their helplessness with the local government for provision of tenure and civic amenities.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">During the 1980s, the popular idiom shifted away from the two traditional sources of Mohajir identity formation, Islam and Pakistan to ethno-linguistic.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">The second wave of migrants representing Punjabis and Pathan has been defined as ‘circular migration’ as opposed to the ‘permanent migration’ of Mohajirs. The former kept relations with family back home and visited home at varying intervals. It was estimated that out of 350,000 new inhabitants of Karachi every year, 150,000 were migrants from upcountry.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Punjabi migrants entered jobs in the new industrial units. Pathan construction workers, diggers of soil, retail sellers and transport workers, followed them.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">At least half of them behaved as working-life migrants tied with home. Unlike the first wave migrants, the second wave migrants tended to keep their upcountry identity and loyalty intact.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">As Linguistic Groups Karachi comprised, Urdu, Punjabi Pushtoon, Sindhi, Balochi, Hindko and Others 54.3%13.6%8.7%6.3%4.4%1%11.7%, respectively.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Source: 1981 Census Report of Karachi Division. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">In Karachi, ethnicity emerged as the dominant theme in the 1980s as the mass of humanity living off the mainstream ‘planned’ social and political life developed its own rules of game for survival.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Ethnic groups were huddled together into informal security structures woven around vested interests such as jobs, houses, security against eviction or bulldozing of illegal tenements and other psychological support mechanisms.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Mohajirs started developing a sense of nationalism about Karachi and Sindh as a bulwark against Punjabi and Pathan migrants. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Previously, Punjabis had joined hands with Mohajirs and Pathan to form the Mohajir-Punjabi-Pashtun Muttahida Mahaz, which sought to safeguard the rights of the three migrant communities in Sindh. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">However, as Mohajirs sought to co-operate with Sindhis against Punjabis, the latter reacted by closing their gap with Sindhis. The third wave of migration brought Sindhis into Karachi and Hyderabad. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Re-integration of Karachi with Sindh in an administrative and ‘political’ sense in 1970 and installation of a PPP government led by nationalist elements under Mumtaz Ali Bhutto as well as acts such as passing of the Language Bill and introduction of the quota system made the presence of Sindhis felt in the city.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">The quota system provided jobs for the nascent Sindhi middle class. Moreover, the late arrival of Green Revolution in Sindh in the 1980s displaced many Sindhi tenants and haris from land and pushed them to Karachi.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">The fourth wave of migration emerged in the 1980s when nationals of the neighboring countries started coming to Karachi. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">A huge market in manpower transport emerged in the east of Arabian Sea extending to India, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Burma (Myanmar), Indonesia and Philippines up to South Korea. Karachi became an important mid-way stop on the route to the Gulf, often becoming the hub of under ground activity surrounding traffic in workers, drug and women from Bangladesh and Philippines. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;"> </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">The number of political refugees from Afghanistan, Iraq (Kurds), Iran (Bahais), Burma (Muslims), and Sri Lanka (Tamils) and economic 27 Ibid. pp. 25–27.28.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Akbar Zaidi, ‘Sindhi vs Mohajir in Pakistan: Contradiction, Conflict, Compromise’, Economic and Political Weekly. May 16, 1991, p. 1297.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Refugees from Philippines, Bangladesh, Thailand, Somalia and Ethiopia in 1995 rose to 1,626,324.29. The first wave migrants—Mohajirs—resent the second, third and fourth wave migrants, and now considered themselves ‘natives’ of Karachi and Sindh.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">They view Punjabis and Pathan as migrants of fortune who earn in Karachi but send back their earnings to their families’ upcountry, and invest money there in property and education of children, involving a net transfer of resources from Karachi. Mohajirs also object to the Sindhis’ practices of earning in Karachi and spending in the interior, (which is erroneous as it is other way around in large measure.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">MQM: A POLITICAL PROFILE Squatter settlements provided a fertile ground for the ethnic message of Mohajir student activists. Universities and colleges crystallized Mohajir consciousness. Mohajir students had to contend with student association’s organized on linguistic and regional lines, including the Punjab Students Association, Pashtun Students Association, Baloch Students Organization and Jiye Sindh Students Federation.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">This led to formation of the All Pakistan Mohajir Students Organization (APMSO) in 1978. APMSO was a product of the perceived Mohajir grievances in terms of non-delivery of promises of the PNA leaders to eliminate the quota system and to secure the lives of Mohajirs against the perceived tyranny and violence. These student leaders later formed the MQM in 1984. In the new party, blind faith in the leader provided a string binding different participants of the movement. The MQM created a strong cult of personality of Altaf Hussain.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">The non-elite character of the MQM leadership gave it a certain level of legitimacy to call itself a party of the poor. It claimed that it had broken the spell of traditional drawing room politics of capitalists and feudal and brought the poor and middle class leadership into assemblies.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">It observed that masses could not vote according to their own choice because jagirdars, waderas, sardars and nawabs held them down under their cruel and dictatorial system.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">It vowed to establish a system in the country under which there would be the rule of not the 2 percent privileged but the 98 percent poor and middle class.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">However, despite its progressive rhetoric, the MQM lacked any policy structure, reform program or legislative proposals, observes Mohammad Suleman Sheikh, in ‘The Issue of Migration in Pakistan’, Unpublished paper, Islamabad, 1995.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Imran Farooq, Imperatives of Discipline and Organization, (Urdu), MQM document, Karachi, pp. 10–17.31 Reply Statement of the Government of Pakistan and the Government of Sindh in the Supreme Court of Pakistan, 5 June 1995, Petition No. 46/94, pp. 32-33. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">MQM is the Symbol of Being Oppressed, (Urdu), MQM document, Karachi, 1994, pp. 6, 13.33Ibid. p. 14.34The Rule of the Poor, (Urdu), MQM document, Karachi, n.d., p. 7.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Not surprisingly, the MQM’s self-image as a party of the poor lacked credibility in the eyes of non-Mohajirs everywhere. In the public view, the MQM pitted the poor of one community against the poor of the other community across the street, not against the rich from the other side of the city.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">The MQM can be considered as a policy-neutral, ideologically agnostic and pro-status quo party despite claims to the contrary. The quota system has been at the heart of the MQM politics.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">After the Sindhi-dominated PPP government took power in Karachi in 1971, the issue of the share of Sindhis in education and jobs re-emerged on the political agenda. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">The MQM points to a deliberate policy of discrimination against Mohajirs. Similarly, the fate of a quarter of a million Biharis in Bangladesh is a constant reference in the MQM’s literature. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">The party has strongly criticized the government of Pakistan for not accepting its own citizens back into the country. A closely related issue is population because it has implications for jobs and elections. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">The MQM has claimed that Mohajirs constituted 60 percent of the population in Sindh and that the 1961, 1972and 1981 census figures were manipulated to reduce the population of Mohajirs by more than half.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">The MQM defined Mohajirs as those who (i) migrated to Pakistan from Muslim minority provinces of the sub-continent at the time of the partition, (ii) are not considered to belong to any of the nationalities of Pakistan—neither Punjabi, nor Sindhi, nor Balochi, nor Pakhtun, and (iii) migrated from those areas of East Punjab whose language and culture was not Punjabi.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">The MQM took exception to the fact that the four provinces of Pakistan were constantly being declared as four brothers, excluding those who did not originally belong to any of these provinces.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Altaf Hussain declared that the slogan of Mohajir nationality was indeed the product of reaction to the slogan of four nationalities.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">It was claimed that Mohajirs had now aligned themselves with the destiny of Sindh and become de facto sons of the soil. The MQM demanded rationalization of the prevalent domicile system so that only those locals should be issued domicile that had lived in Sindh along with their whole family for at least 20 years. It defined ‘locals’ as those who lived a family life, earned, spent, died and got buried in, and linked their interests with, the interests of Sindh.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">This was essentially a nativity idiom rooted in a part of the territory of Sindh. The MQM leadership’s hobnobbing with the Sindhi nationalist leadership reflected its political stand against the upcountry migrants. Herald, Karachi, February 1988, p. 58.36MQM, Constitutional Petition in the Supreme Court of Pakistan, Part 1.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">The Punjabi Pakhtun Ittehad (PPI) came in to being on 7 March 1987. However, the PPI never really took off. In the 1988 elections, MQM and PPP bagged almost all Mohajir and Sindhi seats representing the two ethnic nationalisms respectively. The MQM and PPP formed a coalition and signed the Karachi Accord as a basis for co-operation.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">However, soon their distinct party profiles on the issue of implementation of the Accord led them apart. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">The downhill march of the coalition culminated in a secret alliance between the IJI opposition and MQM, which was disclosed and signed on 24 October 1989, but negotiated and signed much earlier in July 1989, on the eve of the no-confidence motion against Benazir Bhutto. Violence increased on the street and so did army’s involvement in civil administration. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">The MQM’s partnership in the IJI government from 1990–92 represented the high point in its street power whereby it sought to maintain an iron grip on all Mohajir public activity.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">The press was a special target of the MQM workers who burnt thousands of copies of the daily Dawn and stopped its distribution, looted the offices of daily Jang, and attacked the houses of journalists. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">It demanded full coverage of its activities on prominent places on the papers, condemned critical views about the party and sought to punish those who would not oblige. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">As long as some sections of the Mohajir population stayed outside its fold, the MQM felt that its legitimacy as an exclusively Mohajir party remained less than total. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">These people were called traitors to the Mohajir cause and were sometimes beaten, abducted and tortured to teach a lesson to others. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Mohajirs were still far from integrated into a community because of their different linguistic, geographic and cultural backgrounds. In order to bind them together and put them immediately at the front of the political stage, unity by command rather than by persuasion was considered to be the way out.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">In 1989-90, the MQM played the local bully for a national level political alliance, with a larger political objective of destabilizing the PPP government. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">The MQM kept the momentum of its street politics high when it was a partner in Jam Sadiq Ali’s government in Sindh. Its share in state power, combined with its unchallenged street power, produced an inordinately high level of confidence in the party workers. Again in 1994-95, the MQM’s strategy focused on destabilizing the PPP government by exposing its inability to control street violence.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Moving beyond the rival ethnic groups and internal dissidents as targets of their action, the party workers abducted and tortured a serving army officer, Major Kaleem Ahmad. That was the last straw, which brought the army into play with full force. On 19 June 1992, army started Operation-Clean up in Sindh. It claimed that it had got hold of maps of ‘Jinnahpur’ or ‘Urdu Desh’ meant to be carved out of Sindh including Karachi, Hyderabad and some coastal area as an independent country by the MQM. It also unearthed 22 MQM torture cells, including one in Abbasi Shaheed Hospital.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Many of the top leaders of the MQM including Altaf Hussain were declared proclaimed offenders. Many others, including MNAs and MPAs of the MQM went underground. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">The latter resigned from membership of the two assemblies. The army allegedly sponsored a rival faction within the MQM, called Haqiqi, comprising opponents of the Altaf group.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">The MQM boycotted the 1993 elections for the National Assembly but it participated in the Sindh Assembly elections three days later and won 27 out of 100 seats. The new Benazir Bhutto government started a dialogue with the MQM, especially after the latter voted for the PPP nominee Farooq Leghari as president. However, each round of talks ended in failure. In June 1994, the Suppression of Terrorist Activities Court to a 27-year jail term sentenced Altaf Hussain. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">In a series of open letters addressed to armed services chiefs, Altaf Hussain accused the military unit FIT and ‘officials of the armed forces’ in general of perpetrating atrocities on Mohajirs, extracting bribes from people worth millions of rupees and becoming ‘wealthy but devoid of moral fiber and patriotism’.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">In end November 1994, the civil armed forces took over from the regular army units in Sindh. In the aftermath of the army withdrawal, the MQM launched its major attack on the institutions of civil administration and sought to create a law and order situation out in the street. In July 1995, a new Operation Clean-up was started in Karachi under the supervision of Interior Minister General Babar.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">It was a coordinated effort between elite security and intelligence agencies, which used sophisticated monitoring equipment, network of informers, evaluation and corroboration of information acquired through interrogation and intelligence links within the MQM.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">In the process of the operation, the PPP government allegedly carried out extra judicial killings, especially in fake police encounters, torture of the MQM’s workers and persecution of the latter’s families. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">The humiliating searches inside households and brutish behavior of the police vis-à-vis the Mohajir youth alienated the community still further. Not surprisingly, Mohajirs continued to look towards the MQM for safeguarding their rights and interests. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">By the second quarter of 1996, the MQM’s movement had been largely contained. While the MQM had intensely lobbied human rights organizations in and outside Pakistan, no generalized protest campaign against the government’s strong-arm tactics against it emerged in the country.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">The MQM’s failure lay in its inability to challenge the legitimacy of the elected PPP government at any stage from 1993–96 either at Karachi or in Islamabad. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Rise of ethno nationalism, without incorporating the possibility and the nature of decline in its scope and intensity. An absolute majority of such movements have indeed been contained in the postwar era. It is unlikely that this trend will reserve in near future.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">In this context, one can point to the Pushtoon, Baloch and Sindhi nationalist movements in Pakistan, which have been relatively contained within the framework of the political system of the country. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">One can hope that the Mohajir nationalist movement will be reoriented towards a constitutional form of struggle and a parliamentary way to negotiating an ethnic bargain with other communities living in Sindh. It is significant to note that it is the state at the non-policy level, which created a situation of ethnic explosion in urban Sindh.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Various macro-level issues revolving around conflicts between politicians and army, federalist and provincial forces, Islamist and secularist elements and, externally, India and Pakistan seriously circumscribed the state’s capacity and will to pursue micro-level issues such as urban planning, educational and manpower strategies, as well as rural-urban and inter-provincial migration. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">What is immediately required is the expansion of the service-giving network of the state in order to incorporate large sections of the population.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">As the state defaulted on various counts such as citizen orientations, legal protection and security of life and property, ethnicity emerged as the new source of definition and categorization of interests and identity formation. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">In other words, it was not too much of the (Jacobin) state, as primordial would have us believe, but rather too little of it which produced the Mohajir ethnic movement.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">MQM has, since 2002, when General Pervez Musharraf opted for inclusive politics and rehabilitated the, MQM and MQM responded coming in to mainstream politics and since then is in the power corridors. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">The PPP government opted for the same policy with MQM, although definitely for altogether different considerations, indispensability of MQM for formation and since then sustainability of Federal Government. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Hence in the Sindh Province MQM is a necessary evil for PPP, it is indispensable in keeping Zardari led PPP Government in Islamabad.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">In this backdrop it is Karachi, which has become Achilles’ Heel-the vulnerable spot for the Mr. Zardari and Gilani. In the case of Karachi read MQM, the Peoples Party Sindh clearly appears to be at odds with its own Federal Government. The state is bearing the cost for the indecisiveness of incumbent dispensation in Islamabad.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">One may seek guidance from Jinnah to address the contemporary issues of Karachi.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;"> </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">KARACHI–A CITY WITH BRIGHT FUTURE</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Reply to the Civic Address presented by the Karachi Corporation on 25th August, 1947:</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">“I thank you Mayor and Councilors of the Corporation of the City of Karachi for your cordial address of welcome and all the kind thoughts and personal references you have been good enough to make with regard to myself and my sister. I appreciate the noble sentiments and ideals, which you have referred to and I assure you that it is my desire and hope that they will be cherished and lived up to. I am very glad that I have had this opportunity of meeting you all and the citizens of Karachi.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Undoubtedly, I have great love and regard for this beautiful town not only because of my old associations with it, or because it is my birthplace, as you have said, but because it has now become the birthplace of the free, sovereign and independent state of Pakistan. For all freedom - loving people, Karachi will on that account not only be symbol of special significance but will occupy a place in history for which there is no parallel, and I feel it my good fortune that I have the honor to be the first to receive this Civic Address. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Karachi is no ordinary town. Nature has given it exceptional advantages, which particularly suit modern needs and conditions.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">That is why starting from humble beginnings it has come to be what it is, and one could say with confidence that the day is not far hence when it will be ranked amongst the first cities of the world. Not only its airports, but also the naval port and also the main town will be amongst the finest. There is one especially pleasing feature about Karachi –while most of the big cities are crowded and cramped with over towering structures, Karachi has large open spaces and hill station style roofs which give to the visitor a feeling of space and ease.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">It has also got the advantage of a salubrious climate and is always blessed with healthy and cool breezes throughout the year. I visualize a great future for Karachi –it always had immense potentialities. Now with the establishment of Pakistan’s Capital here and the arrival of Pakistan Government and its personnel and the consequent influx of trade, industry and business, immense opportunities have opened out for it. So let us all strive together to make this beautiful town a great metropolis, a center of trade, industry and commerce, and a seat of learning and culture. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">As you have said, the responsibilities of Karachi and its Corporation have increased along with its importance. I hope that the Corporation will prove equal to the task. There would be an extra strain on all phases of Corporation activities, but under the wise and able guidance of the City fathers, and with the co-operation of all the citizens, this would be, I trust, borne with alacrity and willingness. The help of the Government, I feel, will be available in your difficulties and problems and I am sure that the authorities concerned will in time deal appropriately with question of the power and status of the Corporation and its Mayor, questions which appear to worry you just now a great deal.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Karachi has the distinction of being the only town of importance where, during these times of communal disturbances, people have kept their heads cool and lived amicable, and I hope we shall continue to do so.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Pakistan is grateful to the Sindh Government and the Corporation and people of Karachi for welcoming its Central Government to have its headquarters here and for providing all facilities. With the arrival of Pakistan’s staff, Karachi already has, as its citizens, people from all parts of Pakistan and Hindustan. They will all live here together like true citizens and devote their energies to and avail themselves of the great opportunities that present themselves to us all to build up and reconstruct Pakistan in a manner which will command the respect of sister nations and find a place of honor along with great nations of the world as an equal. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">It should be our aim not only to remove want and fear of all types, but also to secure liberty, fraternity and equality as enjoined upon us by Islam. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">I thank you again, Mayor and Councillor for your address of welcome. Pakistan <span style="text-decoration: underline;">Zindabad”</span></span></div><br />
<a href="http://www.pkhope.com/making-of-mohajir-political-entity-and-city-of-karachi/trackback/" rel="trackback">Trackback URL</a> <ins style="border: medium none; display: inline-table; height: 15px; margin: 0pt; padding: 0pt; position: relative; visibility: visible; width: 468px;"><ins id="aswift_1_anchor" style="border: medium none; display: block; height: 15px; margin: 0pt; padding: 0pt; position: relative; visibility: visible; width: 468px;"></ins></ins> </div><span id="tags"><strong>Tagged as:</strong> <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/tag/bohra-and-khoja/" rel="tag">Bohra and Khoja</a>, <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/tag/jam-sadiq-ali/" rel="tag">Jam Sadiq Ali</a>, <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/tag/jinnahpur/" rel="tag">Jinnahpur</a>, <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/tag/karachi/" rel="tag">karachi</a>, <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/tag/karachi-demography/" rel="tag">Karachi Demography</a>, <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/tag/karachi-target-killing/" rel="tag">Karachi Target Killing</a>, <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/tag/memon/" rel="tag">Memon</a>, <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/tag/urdu-desh/" rel="tag">Urdu Desh</a></span> Mohammed Yousuf, (Advocate)http://www.blogger.com/profile/02644165187785886133noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7952916163469380640.post-52560414579964777132011-07-31T21:59:00.000+05:002011-07-31T21:59:32.621+05:00Focus on Next General Elections<h2>Focus on Next General Elections</h2><small>By <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/author/amicus/" title="Posts by amicus">amicus</a> • Jul 18th, 2011 • Category: <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/category/politics/" rel="category tag" title="View all posts in Politics">Politics</a>, <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/category/wsecond/" rel="category tag" title="View all posts in Worth A Second Look">Worth A Second Look</a> • 11 Comments </small> <div class="entry"> <ins style="border: medium none; display: inline-table; height: 280px; margin: 0pt; padding: 0pt; position: relative; visibility: visible; width: 336px;"><ins id="aswift_0_anchor" style="border: medium none; display: block; height: 280px; margin: 0pt; padding: 0pt; position: relative; visibility: visible; width: 336px;"></ins></ins> Even if early polls are not held, the present assemblies will stand dissolved near the end of March 2013.<br />
The political parties have started waking up to the reality and begun bracing for the polls.<br />
It would be a good exercise to indulge in guesswork about the options available to different political parties and their likely strategy for the next general elections:<br />
Pakistan People’s Party<br />
In the general elections of 2008, the Pakistan People’s Party had won 124 out of 342 National Assembly seats, 107 out of 371 Punjab Assembly seats, 93 out of 168 Sindh Assembly seats, 30 out of 124 Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa Assembly seats and 12 out of 65 Balochistan Assembly seats. In the Senate its number increased to 27 out of 100 seats when the partial elections of the Senate were held in 2008.<br />
After the elections, the PPP formed the coalition governments at the center and in Sindh and shared power in Punjab, Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan. However, it had to leave the coalition in Punjab a few months ago due to differences with the PML (N).<br />
On the negative side, rampant corruption, favoritism and nepotism have been the hallmark of the Pakistan People’s Party’s governments at the center and in Sindh. The PPP-led coalitions have failed to control inflation, overcome energy crisis or improve law and order.<br />
On the positive side, it has secured consensus on the National Finance Commission Award and on provincial autonomy under the Eighteenth Amendment to the Constitution. It has initiated Benazir Income Support Program to assist the poor households and regularly increased the pay of government servants and the armed forces personnel in annual budgets.<br />
In the next general elections, the PPP would strive to maintain its present position in the assemblies.<br />
During the 2008 general elections, it had benefited from the sympathy wave caused by the martyrdom of Benazir Bhutto. The division of Muslim League votes between the Pakistan Muslim League (N) and the Pakistan Muslim League (Q) had also helped the PPP in Punjab.<br />
For the next elections, it seems that the PPP would have seat-adjustment with the PML (Q). Perhaps the constituencies where the PPP was successful would be retained by the PPP for its candidates and where the PML (Q) was successful by the PML (Q).<br />
On the seats where both had lost, the strongest amongst the prospective candidates are likely to be fielded. Overall the PPP is likely to capture less number of seats from Punjab than at present for National and Punjab Assemblies due to its poor performance at the Center.<br />
In Sindh, the PPP would not face much difficulty. The rural Sindh is traditionally the PPP’s stronghold. Barring a few seats where the Pakistan Muslim League (F) and the Pakistan Muslim League (Q) have strong candidates to field, the interior Sindh is likely to be retained by the PPP. The PPP would also focus on selected seats in urban Sindh. It would love to deprive the MQM of a couple of its National and Sindh Assembly seats, but is not likely to succeed. The PPP is likely to retain most of its National Assembly seats from Sindh and to secure majority in the Sindh Assembly.<br />
In Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan, things are likely to be somewhat difficult for the PPP if there is resurgence of Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-Islam (F) due to growing anti-Americanism.<br />
Pakistan Muslim League (N)<br />
In the general elections of 2008, the Pakistan Muslim League (N) entered the arena at the last moment and without proper preparation. It secured 91 seats of the National Assembly, 171 of the Punjab Assembly and 9 seats of the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa Assembly. It remained unrepresentative in the Sindh and Balochistan Assemblies. After the 2008 elections of the Senate, it had 7 seats in the body.<br />
Hitherto, the PML (N) has performed the role of a friendly or moderate opposition. It has refrained from doing anything that might have derailed the democratic process. It has aimed at the next general elections to emerge as the largest party and form the government at the center and in Punjab.<br />
Over-confident about the future prospects, Nawaz Sharif was initially reluctant to take those members of the PML (N) back into the party’s fold who had deserted the party to join the PML (Q) after Sharif’s exile to Saudi Arabia.<br />
It seems now he has realized that politics is the art of impossible and Asif Ali Zardari is master at it. The joining of hands by Zardari and Chaudhry Shujaat has made Sharif sober to the reality that the success of the PML (N) cannot be taken for granted.<br />
The PML (N) also needs to define its policy towards the Jamaat-e-Islami and the Tehrik-e-Insaf Pakistan. These two parties have the potential to cause a dent in the PML (N) support in Punjab.<br />
Given the current situation, the PML (N) is likely to form alliance with the Jamaat-e-Islami. Barring the Chaudhries of Gujrat and a few others, it may also open its doors for those who had joined the PML (Q) but are prepared to return to the fold of the PML (N). There are some winning candidates in the PML (Q) with their traditional constituencies who cannot be ignored if the PML (N) aspires to emerge as the largest party in the next National Assembly.<br />
As far as the Punjab Assembly is concerned, the PML (N) is almost certain to secure simple majority even if the PPP and the PML (Q) remain united. Only it needs to take at least the JI along to ensure that some of its voters are not swayed away.<br />
In Sindh and Balochistan, the PML (N) can win a few seats if some PML (Q) members switch over to it. In Khyber-PakhtunKhwa, it is likely to face some set back in Hazara Division because of its support for the change of the name of NWFP to Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa.<br />
Pakistan Muslim League (Q)<br />
Despite the support of the establishment, it faced a backlash in the general elections of 2008 due to its pro-Musharraf posture.<br />
Still it managed to win 54 seats of the National Assembly, 84 seats of the Punjab Assembly, 9 seats of the Sindh Assembly, 6 seats of the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa Assembly and 19 seats of the Balochistan Assembly. After the elections of 2008, its strength in the Senate was 21.<br />
The PML (Q) would have willingly joined hands with the PML (N), but the latter enlisted the support of the PPP to form government in Punjab and then managed to create defections within the PML (Q).<br />
In Balochistan, the PML (Q) has shared power with the independents, JUI (F) and the PPP.<br />
Plagued by factionalism and defections, its strength has got divided or dwindled in all assemblies. In desperation, lately its leadership responded positively to the overtures of the PPP and joined the federal government.<br />
After the withdrawal of the MQM from the Sindh government, the PML (Q) has become a partner of the PPP in Sindh too.<br />
Several members of the PML (Q) have their traditional constituencies. The task before the Chaudhries of Gujrat is to retain whatever of the PML (Q) is under their command intact. By joining hands with the PPP, the PML (Q) leadership has ensured that its members are able to enter the corridor of power and avoid looking elsewhere.<br />
During the next general elections, the PPP and the PML (Q) are likely to make seat adjustments to confront the PML (N). If this happens, the PML (Q) may retain considerable ground in Punjab and Sindh. In Balochistan and Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, the JUI (F) seems set to perform relatively better due to anti-Americanism at the cost of other parties.<br />
Muttahida Quami Movement<br />
During last twenty-two years, the MQM has joined the PPP, the PML (N) and the PML (Q)-led coalitions. Except the coalition led by PML (Q), none completed its term in office. In all other instances, the MQM left the coalition midway or was expelled and faced operation against its cadres.<br />
In the general elections of 2008, the MQM secured 25 seats of the National Assembly and 51 seats of the Sindh Assembly. In Senate, its representation is 6. In none of the other provinces it has any representation.<br />
The MQM has successfully created hostage mentality in its mohajir constituencies. The performance of City District Government of Karachi under the MQM was remarkable. It has a sound base in urban Sindh, in particular Karachi and Hyderabad, from where it is not likely to be displaced. Recent Mohajir-Pakhtun clashes and the PPP-MQM tension have strengthened the position of the MQM.<br />
The MQM is struggling to have a foothold in other provinces also. However, at present its prospect of capturing seats in any other province is quite remote.<br />
Awami National Party<br />
The ANP is essentially a Pakhtun Party. In the general elections of 2008, it won 13 seats of the National Assembly, 48 seats of the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa Assembly, 4 seats of the Balochistan Assembly and 2 seats of the Sindh Assembly. In the Senate it has 6 members.<br />
After the 2008 elections, it joined the PPP-led coalition at the centre and in Sindh. It led the coalition in the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and shared power in Balochistan.<br />
With the swing in the pendulum, it is likely to lose some ground to other parties, particularly JUI (F), in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa. It is desperate to retain its 2 seats in the Sindh Assembly and increase this tally by at least one more in the next general elections. This is not likely to happen. The MQM is adamant not to lose ground in urban Sindh.<br />
Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-Islam (F)<br />
The Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-Islam (F) faced great set back in the general elections of 2008 due to various reasons: first, after much bickering between its components the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal fell apart. Secondly the JUI (F) facilitated the election of Musharraf as president in September 2007. Thirdly the MMA had remained in power in NWFP (Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa) without delivering much.<br />
In the general elections of2008, JUI (F) captured 7 seats of the National Assembly, 14 seats of the Pakhtunkhwa Assembly, 10 seats of Balochistan Assembly and 2 seats of Punjab Assembly.<br />
In Senate, its strength was 10 largely thanks to the success of the MMA in 2002 general elections.<br />
It became a coalition partner of the PPP at the center but withdrew a few months back claiming that the Hajj scam had been mishandled. However, the real reasons for it’s leaving the coalition are not very clear. It is believed that the idea was to topple the Gilani government but the PML (N) was not prepared to seize the opportunity when the JUI (F) and MQM left the coalition at the center in a surprise move.<br />
In the next general elections, the JUI (F) is likely to perform better due to anti-Americanism. There is also a move to revive the MMA or form some other alliance of religious parties, which may strengthen it.<br />
Pakistan Muslim League (F)<br />
The PML (F) is mainly a party of feudal lords and gaddi nasheens who have their traditional seats. In the general elections of 2008, it won 5 seats of the National Assembly, 8 seats of the Sindh Assembly and 3 seats of the Punjab Assembly. It has just 1 member in the Senate. There is not likely to be any considerable change in its status.<br />
Jamaat-e-Islami<br />
JI has a number of supporters spread throughout Pakistan. It had boycotted the general elections of 2008. Individually it can hardly capture 3 or 4 seats. But it can give considerable boost to the alliance which it may join.<br />
It seems the JI would prefer to form some grand anti-PPP alliance comprising PML (N), JI, JUI (F), PML (Q) or its faction and some minor groups to contest the next elections.<br />
Tehrik-e-Insaf Pakistan<br />
The TIP led by Imran Khan has great appeal for the youth. It had boycotted the elections of 2008 and does not have any representation in any assembly or the Senate.<br />
The TIP does not have any feudal lords having traditional constituencies within its fold. It is not a well-organized party. Imran Khan has been very critical of the PPP, the PML (N) and the PML (Q). He wants his party to emerge as a third force that seems to be a distant dream.<br />
The TIP may prefer to opt for solo flight. It may not win more than a couple of seats at the most but has the potential to attract voters at the cost of mainly the PML (N) in Punjab.<br />
Conclusion<br />
As of today it appears that the PPP is likely to emerge as the single largest party in the National and Sindh Assemblies, provided it is able to sustain its alliance with the PML (Q) and arrive at some sort of seat adjustment with it. Its tally may be 5 to 10 seat less than the number of seats it captured in 2008.<br />
In that case the present scenario may continue and even the MQM may rejoin the PPP-led coalition after fresh negotiations on power sharing. The MQM would strive to get CDGK restored but may accept the Local Bodies Act of 1979 with some amendments.<br />
The scenario may change if the PML (N) forms a grand alliance comprising the PML (N), the PML (Q) or a major chunk of it, the JI and the JUI (F). The PML (N)-led alliance may secure more seats than the PPP and its allies.<br />
The above-mentioned scenarios have been conceived on the assumption that the next general elections would be held within the framework of the Constitution.<br />
Notwithstanding the above permutations for next general elections, the most important elections right now are Senate elections of March 2012. Let’s take a look and try to under stand why there is so much churning in the ranks of opposition parties and why PPP and its allies are comfortable, with the exception of MQM spanner in the works.<br />
If the next Senate election due in March 2012 is held under the present elected dispensation, the Pakistan Peoples Party will continue to dominate as the leading political party in the Senate. The PPP is expected to secure an unprecedented 43 seats in the upper house of Parliament.<br />
Representation of minorities<br />
The Senate itself has also expanded by four seats to represent the religious minorities in each of the four provinces, a change that took place as a result of the 18th Amendment to the constitution. After March 2012, there were 104 Senators.<br />
Senate retirements:<br />
After the Senate elections on March 11, 2012, several political parties will see a dramatic reduction in their representation. The most significant of these is the Pakistan Muslim League Quaid (PML-Q), which will see 19 of its Senators retiring, With a much smaller presence in the national and provincial legislatures, the party will not be able to replace or re-elect most of them.<br />
Four of the ruling PPP’s senators will retire, but it will have 22 left in addition to a substantially expanded presence in the National, Punjab, Sindh and Balochistan Assemblies to be able to not just replace the outgoing four but to actually expand its presence to a plurality of between 43 and 45, according to some political observers.<br />
The Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz (PML-N) will see its Senator Ishaq Dar complete his term, but the party has more than enough support to ensure his re-election and add to the remaining six senators whose terms expire in 2015.<br />
The Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) is likely to maintain its six seats after three of its senators retire while the Awami National Party (ANP) is likely to add to its current tally of six.<br />
Senators from the Jamaat-e-Isami (JI), Pakistan Peoples Party-Sherpao, Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party and Jamhuri Watan Party will complete their tenure next year. Some of these had not participated in the 2008 general election to protest against former president Pervez Musharraf’s policies.<br />
The decision to boycott the 2008 general election is likely to prove costly for five political parties, which will have to forfeit their representation in Parliament once their senators retire before the elections in March 2012.<br />
The top leadership of these parties admit that the decision to boycott parliamentary elections has had far-reaching consequences.<br />
Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, Pakhtunkhawa Milli Awami Party, Jamhuri Watan Party, Jamiat Ulema-e-Pakistan, Tehreek-e-Jafaria Pakistan and Jamiat Ahle Hadith will not be able to participate in the Senate elections because they have no representation in the assemblies.<br />
Political parties which boycotted the 2008 general election will not be able to have their members elected to the Senate next year when half of its members will retire. Elections are conducted on a hundred seats in the Senate every three years. Members of the provincial and national assemblies elect senators for a six-year term.<br />
Hence only the looser and those boycotted will be out and hence the hue and cry in the opposition ranks, particularly the PMl(N) is self serving and geared to deprive the Zardari led PPP from further consolidating its position in the senate, to deprive PML (Q) from benefiting out of its newly formed coalition with the former.<br />
Despite, corruption, nepotism, lack or absence of governance, the the tense and conflict amongst the state organs, it seems the incumbent political dispensation in place is lurching to run its appointed term and complete its natural course and we will see the senate elections in March 2012 and the next general elections in 2013. Barring off course mass resignation by elected representatives of PML(N), MQM, Hum Khayal and some fence sitters in National Assembly and Provincial Assemblies, that could force derailment of the present dispensation and lead to dilute the electoral college for the senate elections in march 2012 and may be early elections.<br />
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<a href="http://www.pkhope.com/focus-on-next-general-elections/trackback/" rel="trackback">Trackback URL</a> <ins style="border: medium none; display: inline-table; height: 15px; margin: 0pt; padding: 0pt; position: relative; visibility: visible; width: 468px;"><ins id="aswift_1_anchor" style="border: medium none; display: block; height: 15px; margin: 0pt; padding: 0pt; position: relative; visibility: visible; width: 468px;"></ins></ins> </div><span id="tags"><strong>Tagged as:</strong> <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/tag/anp/" rel="tag">ANP</a>, <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/tag/asif-ali-zardari/" rel="tag">Asif Ali Zardari</a>, <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/tag/cia/" rel="tag">CIA</a>, <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/tag/election-result-2013/" rel="tag">Election Result 2013</a>, <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/tag/isi/" rel="tag">ISI</a>, <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/tag/mqm/" rel="tag">mqm</a>, <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/tag/nawaz-sharif/" rel="tag">nawaz sharif</a>, <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/tag/pml-f/" rel="tag">PML-F</a>, <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/tag/pml-n/" rel="tag">pml-n</a>, <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/tag/pml-q/" rel="tag">PML-Q</a></span> <br />
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</tbody></table>Mohammed Yousuf, (Advocate)http://www.blogger.com/profile/02644165187785886133noreply@blogger.com19tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7952916163469380640.post-26341683579009484682011-07-31T21:56:00.000+05:002011-07-31T21:56:19.966+05:00<h2>The Deradicalization Initiative</h2><small>By <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/author/amicus/" title="Posts by amicus">amicus</a> • Jul 18th, 2011 • Category: <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/category/features/" rel="category tag" title="View all posts in Features">Features</a> • 5 Comments </small> <div class="entry"> <ins style="border: medium none; display: inline-table; height: 280px; margin: 0pt; padding: 0pt; position: relative; visibility: visible; width: 336px;"><ins id="aswift_0_anchor" style="border: medium none; display: block; height: 280px; margin: 0pt; padding: 0pt; position: relative; visibility: visible; width: 336px;"></ins></ins> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Two newspaper reports:</span></span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><span>1.<span style="font: 7pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">The US Embassy in Islamabad hosted an event on July 3, 2011 in support of gay rights. Speaking on the occasion, US Deputy Ambassador Richard Hoagland stated that the US would support gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender rights in Pakistan. “I want to be clear: the US Embassy is here to support you and stand by your side every step of the way,” he told the audience.</span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><span>2.<span style="font: 7pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">In his key-note address at a seminar on ‘de-radicalisation’ held in Mingora on July 6, Pakistan’s Chief of the Army Staff General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani said: “We have taken the first step here in Swat by initiating a de-radicalisation programme. It needs support and initiative of the society, intellectuals and policy-makers to take the lead and put into effect a counter-radicalisation construct, not only to sustain the de-radicalisation effort, but also to assure a free and progressive future for Pakistan.”</span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 0in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Could it be that these two apparently separate events had a single purpose: to change the hue and colour of the Pakistani society, which the two gentlemen think has got too ‘radicalised’. In the case of Mr. Hoagland, the motive also seems to be to provoke and then identify the pockets of resistance in the process of de-radicalisation.</span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 0in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">According to <em>Oxford Dictionary & Thesaurus</em> (Second Edition, 2007), the word ‘radical’ (as adjective) means:</span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><span>1.<span style="font: 7pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Having to do with the basic nature of something; fundamental</span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><span>2.<span style="font: 7pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Supporting complete political or social reform</span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><span>3.<span style="font: 7pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Departing from tradition; new</span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 0in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Obviously, radicalisation of a society in the meanings 2 and 3 is something very positive. In fact, “to assure a free and progressive future for Pakistan”, as desired by General Kayani, it is imperative that there should be drastic and grassroots political and social reforms and a break from tradition i.e., tribal and feudal value-system and structure which is hallmark of Pakistan’s predominantly rural society.</span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 0in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">This leaves us with the meaning 1 i.e., “having to do with the basic nature of something; fundamental”. </span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 0in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Since last many years, there has been a marked trend in some segments of Pakistan Armed Forces and Pakistani society to take inspiration from the fundamentals of Islam by way of response to multiple challenges that beset the country. Only a biased, stupid, ignorant or naive person would conclude that reverting to the fundamentals of Islam i.e., its purity and essence, <strong><em>amounts to leading a life of backwardness or cultivating terrorist mentality</em></strong>.</span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 0in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">In case of ‘de-radicalisation’, or whatever euphemism is applied to the process, the idea seems to be to change the mind-set of the ‘radicalised’ (read Islamised) rank and file of Pakistan’s Armed Forces in particular and of the Pakistani society in general.</span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 0in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Perhaps, different instances of attacks on Pakistan’s military installations, including the General Headquarters, Rawalpindi, and the Mehran Naval Base, Karachi, have revealed that the militants who attacked these installations had sympathisers within the Pakistan Armed Forces. These sympathisers collaborated with the assailants in facilitating the execution of their missions. This led to the novel idea of ‘de-radicalising’ the ‘Islamist elements’ within the armed forces.</span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 0in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Before undertaking any exercise of ‘de-radicalisation’, those at the helm of affairs should answer some relevant questions:</span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><span>1.<span style="font: 7pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">How did Pakistan Armed Forces get what they call ‘radicalised’?</span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><span>2.<span style="font: 7pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><span> </span>Why do elements within them cooperate with the outside ‘Islamic militants’?</span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><span>3.<span style="font: 7pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Is it really bad that they have been ‘Islamised’?</span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 0in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">To find the answers we have to explore the past. </span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 0in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">The British had introduced the concept of ‘martial race’ in India. The Punjabis and the Pathans were included in the martial races that would defend India and serve British interests elsewhere. As a colonial power the British required highly professional mercenary armed forces that could kill and maim their own countrymen and co-religionists without any qualms. The British were successful to a considerable extent in their endeavour. The British Indian forces helped their colonial masters in subjugating the natives and fought for them during the Afghan Wars and the First and Second World Wars.</span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 0in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">In what was a parallel development, conscientious Muslims resisted this trend. In early nineteenth century, Hazrat Shah Abdul Aziz, the eldest son of Hazrat Shah Wali-ullah, issued a religious decree (fatwa) that to cooperate with the British in destructing Muslim lives was a mortal sin amounting to apostasy. Shah Abdul Aziz was the moving spirit behind the jihad launched by Syed Ahmed Shaheed against the Sikhs of Punjab and North-West Frontier region.</span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 0in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Although there had been an accumulation of grievances, the immediate cause of the War of Independence of 1857 was religious in nature: the Muslim and Hindu troops refused to use cartridges smeared with the fat of pig and cow. Even these mercenaries declined to cross certain limits.</span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 0in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">The issue of service in the British armed forces came to the forefront during the Khilafah Movement, 1919-1924. The institution of Khilafah had a religious significance for Muslims. The British were at war with the Ottomans and had deployed Muslim Indian troops against the Turks. The situation was unacceptable to the religious-minded Muslim.<span> </span></span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 0in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">During the Khilafat Movement several ulema, including Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and Maulana Mohammad Ali, categorically stated that it was religiously unlawful (haram) for Indian Muslims to serve the British in war against their Turk co-religionists. The same view was expressed in the form of a resolution adopted by the Khilafah Conference session held at Karachi in 1921.</span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 0in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">The reason why Maulana Mohammad Ali is so much admired and respected in Pakistan is that as a true Muslim he vehemently supported the fatwa that it was unlawful for Indian Muslims to serve in the British army against the Turks. The British considered it sedition. His bold advocacy of the said fatwa led to his trial and imprisonment for two years.</span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 0in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><span> </span>During 1940-47 communal feelings were at its height in India. The British Indian troops could not remain unaffected from this ‘great divide’ (although credit goes to Subhash Chandra Bose that his Indian National Army comprising deserters was multi-communal in character). </span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 0in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">At the time of partition of India, the British Indian troops were offered choice to join Pakistan or Indian Armed Forces, irrespective of their place of residence. This was an admission that Pakistan was not going to be a ‘nation-state’ as the concept is understood in the West.</span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 0in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Pakistan was born with Islamic moorings. The Indian Muslims had given sacrifices not for ‘democracy’, ‘separate electorates’, ‘reservation of seats’, ‘quota in government jobs’ or ‘provincial autonomy’ but because they had been mesmerised by the lofty idealism and romanticism of creating an ‘Islamic State’, or the fortress of Islam, Pakistan. </span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 0in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">After independence, Pakistan Armed Forces adopted Islamic nomenclatures, symbols, insignia and anthems. Victoria Cross was the thing of the past. The most cherished award now was the Nishan-e-Hyder. War ships and submarines were named Babur and Ghazi. Time came when missiles became Ghuaris and Abdalis. Pakistan’s nuclear device was informally referred to as<span> </span>‘Islamic bomb’. </span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 0in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">No doubt it was the Islamic spirit that helped the Pakistan Armed Forces and the nation unite against all odds in the India-Pakistan War of 1965. Just a single sentence of President Ayub Khan’s address that appealed to Islamic character of Pakistan electrified the nation. Blood started running fast in the veins of Pakistani Muslims.<span> </span>The middle level army officers and the rank and file fought the war as a jihad. A mercenary army of British Indian type could never have withstood the Indian onslaught on the fateful day of September 6, 1965. </span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 0in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">The same armed forces faced great humiliation in 1971 because their war was illegitimate like the present so-called ‘war on terrorism’. The troops, misguided and confused, fought a losing war against their oppressed Bengali co-religionists who were duly assisted by the Indians. They lost because Islamic bond and fervour were lacking.<span> </span></span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 0in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">In the midst of the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan (December 1979-February 1989), President and Chief of the Army Staff General Mohammad Zia-ul Haq initiated a programme of ‘Islamization’ of the armed forces. </span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 0in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Alcohol was prohibited. Sporting beard, offering five-time prayers, fasting and performing Hajj was appreciated and rewarded. Those who embraced the concept of jihad and had ‘Islamic mind-set’ got easy promotions. Whatever might have been General Zia’s other failings, he imparted an Islamic colour to the Pakistan Armed Forces. In other words, he completed the process of ‘radicalisation’ of the troops and converted them into a highly motivated and formidable force.</span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 0in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Pakistan’s sponsored and supported militant groups, first in Afghanistan and subsequently in Kashmir. Pakistan Armed Forces forged close ties with these militant outfits and cooperated with them. They came into contact with the Taliban as allies and friends. They also came into contact with Arab, Chechen, Uzbek and Uighar militants and learned about the ideas of international Islamic movements. </span></div><div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 0in; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">The jihadi culture was at its height when 9/11 happened and all of a sudden the United States built–up pressure to reverse the trend and to ‘de-radicalise’ the Pakistan Armed Forces. The United States needed mercenaries.<span> </span>Pakistan Armed Forces were to be pitched against their co-religionists and erstwhile allies.</span></div><div class="MsoBodyText" style="line-height: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;">For the rank and file of the Pakistan Armed Forces who perceived India as the arch enemy, who sincerely believed that the Christians and Jews could never be the true friends of Muslims, who subscribed to the view that the Al-Qaeda was waging jihad against the crusaders and who regarded the Taliban as their brothers in religion, this was psychologically disastrous.<span> </span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Thus the answer to our second question is to be found in the policy shift that was made by the Musharraf government in the aftermath of 9/11 and continues to this day. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Taking lessons from the past, including the British period and the India-Pakistan War of 1971, the military establishment should and the Government should shun seeking refuge with the Americans. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">In matters of religious convictions, no ‘de-radicalisation’ can work. By siding with the United States, Pakistan’s military establishment has tarnished its own image. It has emerged as hypocrite. It has, in the process, created a hype and offered the propagandists an excuse, that that there is un ease within the Pakistan Armed Forces and some cases it is even alleged that some collaborate with the Al-Qaeda, Taliban and others against the infidels and their stooges. Pakistan’s enemies are taking undue advantage of this situation.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Can those who hold gay events in Islamabad be Pakistan’s friends? Never. They do not even comprehend the catharsis of Pakistan, its value system and the culture, where we have all the vices prevalent in the society, but owing to our faith and belief system, no attempt at legitimising or legalizing those could be acceptable or implemented. Besides, for taking Pakistan forward as a progressive democratic and tolerant nation state, Pakistan does not need to legitimise such fringe groups. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Pakistan needs is a sustained and lion’s share of development funds in the areas of education and health. There in lies the remedy for the disease called illiteracy, we in Pakistan suffer.<span> </span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Once Pakistan jumps down from the American bandwagon, concedes legitimate demands of the militants and offers olive branch to them, the ball will be in their court. If any faction/s of the militants continues to mount attack against Pakistan Armed Forces after peace offer is made, it will be at fault and Pakistani troops will fight against misguided militants with religious zeal and fervour. There will be no hesitation. No fear of committing any mortal sin. No apprehension of becoming apostate. Such enemies would find no collaborators within Pakistan Armed Forces. </span></div><div class="MsoBodyText2" style="line-height: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt;">Any forced ‘de-radicalisation’ is bound to be counter-productive. It would be perceived as ‘de-Islamization’. It would create more fissures. It would weaken the armed forces and the society. It would be suicidal. It would unleash centrifugal forces. It would prove beyond any shadow of doubt that Pakistan’s military establishment is just a puppet whose strings are in the hands of Americans. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Pakistan needs armed forces that are imbibed with Islamic ideas and imbued with Islamic spirit. Mercenaries cannot defend it. Pakistan is not a ‘nation-state’ in traditional sense. Its ethos is different. Only Islam can cement the Pakistan Armed Forces, the society and the nation and ensure Pakistan’s security and territorial integrity.<span> </span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Our Military Leaders need to revert to their fundamental moorings before it’s too late. Otherwise we will meet a fate far more terrible than what happened on December 16, 1971.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Has existing temperament, conviction, motivation and commitment to their MOTHER LAND PAKISTAN, impeded the Pakistan Armed Forces from being professionally the best army in the world. Have they not received laurels from the world community in its international missions under the UN, besides, all time love affection of the Nation. Before diving in to “de-radicalise” and reform, consider the notion of introspection and try to find out what went wrong? When and Why? </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">The tinkering with the ideology, belief system, and attitudes, constructed over a period of decades, particularly for the last three, is extremely sensitive, delicate and dangerous.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">The situation in India in the late 1980s and 90s is very similar to most of the rest of the world today where we see, on the one hand, a militant Islamic revival, which has caused the deaths of thousands of people in different parts of the world. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Moderate Muslims have seen themselves sidelined in many countries and countries that have moderate Islamic beliefs like Egypt and Jordan find themselves fighting bloody battles to keep groups like the Islamic Brotherhood at bay even while other countries that have secular constitutions but Muslim majorities like Algeria and Turkey find their very existence threatened by religious fundamentalism. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">It is believed by many in India that Indira Gandhi allowed the Sikh fundamentalists to become powerful because she was worried that in the Punjab the communists were working to organise the farm labourers since she believed that a religious fundamentalist would be the best force to fight an anti-religion communist government. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">The west supported mujaheddin groups to fight the former USSR who would later join the Taliban and Al Qaeda and<span> </span>the world saw the horrors of 9/11. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">The rise in Islamic fundamentalism has been paralleled in a rise in Christian fundamentalism in the USA, the country that suffered from the attack of 9/11 and previous attacks on it’s embassies, ships and citizens in different parts of the world, albeit owing to its own self serving policies of world domination and occupation of Muslim and other nations’ lands. There are as open calls in the USA to make the system more “Christian” as there have been in India by the BJP and it’s VHP, Bajrang Dal and RSS allies to make it more “Hindu.” </span></div><div class="MsoBodyText3"><span lang="EN-GB">On the one side, India leaves no stone unturned in tarnishing the image of Pakistan by indicating the subversive acts of terrorists, which occur in the country intermittently, while Pakistan’s security forces have broken the backbone of the militants through successful military operations. </span></div><div class="MsoBodyText3"><span lang="EN-GB">On the other side, New Delhi is quite silent about Hindutva (Hindu nationalism) terror, which has obtained a new face as Indian secret agency RAW, Indian high officials, and fundamentalist parties of the country have co-relationship.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><span> </span><br />
It is of particular attention that historical background and religious beliefs, which have formed the habits and national character of Hindus, are quite different from the other ethnic and religious communities. Indians still have a strong belief in the superiority of their race. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Indian Hindus are followers of Chanakya (Say some thing and do some thing else). This fact has been verified by the misdeeds of Hindu fundamentalist parties like BJP, RSS, VHP, Shiv Sina and Bajrang Dal, which have missed no opportunity to communalise national politics of India even under the Congress rule. With the support of Indian officials and RAW agents, these parties have intensified anti-Christian and anti-Muslim bloodshed in the last decade coupled with the dissemination of Hindutva.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Israel, a major flashpoint, has seen a militant Jewish government fighting militant Palestinians who have chosen to abandon their more moderate leaders and embrace violently fundamentalist groups like Hamas and Islamic Jehad. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">The danger of an intolerant world where the major religionists fight each other after being hijacked by fundamentalists looms large before us like an India magnified several times and made infinitely more dangerous. For, in the various militancy and mini wars that have been fought in India since the 1980s about 200,000 people have been killed.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;"> </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Hence announcing such intention is doomed. Announcing or cutting a ribbon cannot deconstruct the constructed mindset.<span> </span>Look at Saudi Society they are still struggling with digesting women drivers. At the same time look again they have addressed the required deconstruction of their radicals. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Take a leaf. Being religious is not the problem its militant manifestation in any Society is. Look at Malaysian Model for inspiration. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Pakistan and its armed forces needs to be saved from becoming Afghanistan and moved to become Malaysia like Modern Muslim state, instead de-radicalisation and de-Islamization, we need to opt for reconstruction. No need to look for a phoenix rising from the ashes, it already did rise in 1947. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><strong><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">WHOM THE GODS WOULD DESTROY THEY FIRST MAKE MAD</span></span></strong></div><br />
<a href="http://www.pkhope.com/the-deradicalization-initiative/trackback/" rel="trackback">Trackback URL</a> <ins style="border: medium none; display: inline-table; height: 15px; margin: 0pt; padding: 0pt; position: relative; visibility: visible; width: 468px;"><ins id="aswift_1_anchor" style="border: medium none; display: block; height: 15px; margin: 0pt; padding: 0pt; position: relative; visibility: visible; width: 468px;"></ins></ins> </div><span id="tags"><strong>Tagged as:</strong> <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/tag/mingora/" rel="tag">Mingora</a></span>Mohammed Yousuf, (Advocate)http://www.blogger.com/profile/02644165187785886133noreply@blogger.com42tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7952916163469380640.post-50893180430268133732011-07-31T21:07:00.000+05:002011-07-31T21:07:54.453+05:00THE CHALLENGE OF TALIBANIZATION AND NEW GREAT GAME<div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><b><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">PAKISTAN: </span></span></b></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><b><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">THE CHALLENGE OF TALIBANIZATION AND </span></span></b><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><b><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;">NEW GREAT GAME </span></b><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"></span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">Amicus </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><b><span style="color: #990000; font-family: Verdana;">Central Asian Oil and Gas Pipelines:</span></b><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"></span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><img src="http://www.worldpress.org/images/maps/central_asia1.gif" /> </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"></span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">After the traumatic events of 1971, Pakistan is faced with the most serious crisis in its political history. The Taliban are not knocking at the door, they are now a part and parcel of Pakistani state and society. The process of Talibanization in Pakistan’s north-western region has given rise to new tensions in the body-politic of the country. Pakistan’s national security and social harmony depend upon its government’s response to the multi-dimensional challenges posed by the rise of the Taliban.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">Ideologically the Taliban:</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in; vertical-align: top;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Symbol; font-size: 14pt;"><span>·<span style="font: 7pt 'Times New Roman';"> </span></span></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;">Subscribe to a belief system that is based on the teachings of Deobandi school of Sunni sect in Islam. Wahabi influence is also visible due to the Taliban’s Saudi connection.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in; vertical-align: top;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Symbol; font-size: 14pt;"><span>·<span style="font: 7pt 'Times New Roman';"> </span></span></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;">Reject modernism and adhere to a social and legal code that combines Pashtun tribal traditions or <i>Pashtunwali</i> with one of the most orthodox versions of Islamic <i>fiqah</i>.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in; vertical-align: top;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Symbol; font-size: 14pt;"><span>·<span style="font: 7pt 'Times New Roman';"> </span></span></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;">Regard Islamic <i>ummah</i> as a single entity and disapprove of geographical barriers as representing artificial divisions imposed by the colonial masters on the Muslim world. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in; vertical-align: top;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Symbol; font-size: 14pt;"><span>·<span style="font: 7pt 'Times New Roman';"> </span></span></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;">Recognize the identity of purpose of the various Islamic movements across the globe.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in; vertical-align: top;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Symbol; font-size: 14pt;"><span>·<span style="font: 7pt 'Times New Roman';"> </span></span></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;">Consider <i>jihad </i>or holy war as the sixth obligatory pillar of Islam. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">In the short-term the objectives of the Taliban are:</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in; vertical-align: top;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Symbol; font-size: 14pt;"><span>·<span style="font: 7pt 'Times New Roman';"> </span></span></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;">To liberate Afghanistan from American-led occupational forces through <i>jihad</i>.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in; vertical-align: top;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Symbol; font-size: 14pt;"><span>·<span style="font: 7pt 'Times New Roman';"> </span></span></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;">To enforce a social, political and economic order __ based on their ideology or interpretation of Islam __<span> </span>in Afghanistan and Pashtun-majority areas of Pakistan.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in; vertical-align: top;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Symbol; font-size: 14pt;"><span>·<span style="font: 7pt 'Times New Roman';"> </span></span></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;">In the long-term their objectives appear to be:</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in; vertical-align: top;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Symbol; font-size: 14pt;"><span>·<span style="font: 7pt 'Times New Roman';"> </span></span></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;">To drive out, in conjunction with other Islamic groups, including Al-Qaeda, the infidel forces from all Muslim lands.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in; vertical-align: top;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Symbol; font-size: 14pt;"><span>·<span style="font: 7pt 'Times New Roman';"> </span></span></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;">To export the ideology of radical and fundamentalist Islam to other Muslim countries.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">To achieve these objectives, the Taliban consider <i>jihad</i> as the main weapon in their armory. In line with the opinion of Ibn-e-Taimiya, they are prepared to use force against those Muslims who hinder or obstruct them in the waging of<i> jihad</i> or who are perceived as siding with the infidels. In their zeal they resort to suicide bombings in which, along with the target, innocent Muslims also get killed. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">The challenges that Pakistani state and society face from the Taliban are multi-dimensional.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">The Taliban have established their virtual writ in FATA and some areas of the NWFP. They use Pakistani tribal belt as a base to launch cross-border incursions into Afghanistan to attack American-led occupational forces. Their armed struggle against the occupational forces in Afghanistan is a combination of <i>jihad</i> and Pashtun war of national liberation. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">However, since Pakistan is an ally of the United States in its so-called ‘war on terror’ and international law does not allow cross-border incursions into other countries except </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">in self-defense, Pakistan comes under pressure to act against the Taliban.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">Wherever the Taliban get power they impose rules that create resentment in various segments of the society that do not subscribe to their extremist ideology. The Taliban compel women to wear<i> burqa</i> and restrict their employment opportunities to only a few fields. They consider imparting of western education to girls harmful to social values. They ban cinemas, television, videos, music and dancing. They force men to sport beards and do not permit modern hairstyles and dresses. They use armed religious police to implement their edicts concerning ‘social morality’ and establish a parallel judicial system to deliver ‘swift justice’. They are ruthless in punishing the ‘delinquents’. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">The opponents of the Taliban argue that there is a considerable room for <i>ijtihad</i> in Islam, and<i> fiqah</i> can not remain static as society progresses. They contend that the interpretation of Islam by the Taliban is faulty and inconsistent with the viewpoint of the majority of Muslims. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">They think that the laws and rules framed by the Taliban do not conform to the needs of the changing times and are retrogressive in nature. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">According to the detractors of the Taliban, there is no compulsion in Islam to observe its rites, but only persuasion.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">The Taliban represent Deobandi sect of Sunni Islam. Their emergence in certain tribal areas, particularly in Hangu, has led to Shia-Sunni conflicts that have claimed many lives. Their domination is likely to promote conflicts between the Deobandies and Bareilvies. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">In fact the ongoing clashes between the Lashkar-e-Islam and Lashkar-e-Ansar in the tribal belt represent sectarian divide. The<i> pirs</i> and <i>sajada nasheens</i> of Sindh and Punjab disapprove of the Taliban beliefs. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">In Pakistan, where there is a sizable Shia community and probably a majority of Sunnis belonging to Bareilvi <i>maslak</i>,<i> </i>the rise of the Taliban pose a serious threat to social harmony.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">The Talibanization is also a threat to traditional power-structure in the tribal areas. The political ascendancy and economic interests of the tribal<i> maliks </i>and feudal lords are at stake. They know that the radicalization of the society under the Taliban would eliminate their leadership role and privileges.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">The Taliban include the local people and they are also well-trained, well-equipped and totally devoted to their ideology. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">The use of military force against them has always proved very costly. Several hundreds of Pakistani troops have already lost their lives. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">The Pakistan armed forces do not have moral resolution and fighting capability to eliminate the Taliban from the frontier region. A large number of Pakistani troops have defected due to religious and ethnic considerations. Others are fighting under great psychological stress.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">The Taliban have the human and material resources to respond by attacking targets in Sindh and Punjab. With suicide bombers at their disposal they are capable of targeting military personnel and installations in high security zones. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">Having no qualms in killing innocent Muslims as ‘collateral damage’, they have the means to target sensitive civil installations and create havoc in big cities.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">The past military actions by the Pakistan armed forces against the Taliban have resulted in creation of a sympathy wave for their cause and soaring of their ranks. The process of Talibanization in the settled areas of NWFP has got impetus and they have succeeded in enforcing their version of Shari’ah in parts of the province. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">Pakistan government’s dilemma is that if it resorts to military means as a solution, the process of Talibanization would only intensify, if it does not do so then it may have to concede establishment of a state within state, to make it palatable, call it conceding state writ, which in any case has always been the case.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">Any concerted military action against the Taliban may lead to their movement to Karachi and other non-Pashtun areas. The MQM is already crying wolf, has repeatedly warned against the settlement of the Taliban in Karachi, as if that already is not the case. Karachi has the largest Pushtoon popultion, out side their home, one shudders to think the number may translate into thousands even<span> </span>percentge point is assumed.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">The recent bomb blasts in the Pashtun-majority localities of the city are indicative of the potential dangers. The city may witness new rounds of Pashtun-Mohajir riots. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">The non-Pashtun Islamists may join hands with the Taliban to settle their scores with the MQM activists.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">On a different note, there have been reports that Deobandi <i>ulema</i> from India are involved in prompting the Taliban to fight against Pakistani troops on the ground that the later are ‘hypocrites’ and American paid ‘mercenaries’. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">There can be no denying the fact that Pakistan armed forces are receiving approximately $ 1 billion annually as payment for guarding the country’s border with Afghanistan and to check Taliban infiltration into that country. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">If the idea that Pakistan is nothing more than a client state of the United States gains acceptance, the Taliban may direct their efforts at the creation of an independent ‘Islamic Emirate’ comprising Afghanistan, Pakistan’s FATA, NWFP and northern Balochistan with a land corridor to the Arabian Sea.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">Indian Consulates on the Afghan side of the border are also actively involved in fomenting trouble in the NWFP and Balochistan. There are confirmed reports of Indian material support to insurgents in Balochistan which has given renewed impetus to the nationalist-separatist movement in the province. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">The number of attacks on gas installations and pipelines has increased. According to some accounts India has established training camps on Afghanistan’s territory to train Baloch and Sindhi nationalists, MQM activists and the Taliban. All this is happening in the presence of American-led coalition forces in Afghanistan. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">The question is: Is there any tacit approval of the United States for these anti-Pakistan activities? </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">The cross-border incursions of the Taliban into Afghanistan have led to infringement of Pakistan’s sovereignty by the American-led coalition forces. There have been air-raids and missile attacks on suspected targets inside Pakistani territory sometime resulting in casualties of Pakistani troops also. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">There is likelihood that the American-led coalition forces would resort more frequently to missile attacks, aerial bombings and hot-pursuits deep inside Pakistani territory to target the Taliban. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">It is surprising that well equipped NATO forces are unable to guard the Pak-Afghan border and blame is placed on Pakistan. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">Pakistan has lost more than one thousand troops fighting the Taliban and Al-Qaeda militants and has set up nearly one thousand check-posts on the border. The question is: Where is ISAF? War on Terror was supposed to be Global Effort. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">The United States is applying carrot and stick policy to Pakistan. The frequent statements of the US President, Secretary of State and high officials that Pakistan’s tribal belt has become a safe haven for Al-Qaeda and that Pakistan should do more to eliminate the ‘terrorist’ threat to America are meant to brow beat Pakistan. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">Simultaneously there are offers of military and economic assistance to Pakistan if it is prepared to ‘do more’. On 30 July a panel of the US Senate proposed a $ 15 billion package for Pakistan under certain conditions. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">If Pakistan recants, the United States, could twist Pakistan’s arm through economic means. Since fuel and food prices are sky-rocketing internationally, and Pakistan’s foreign exchange reserves are fast depleting, the United States can give tough time to<span> </span>people and Pakistan to extract submission.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">Pakistan is caught between devil and deep sea. Opinions differ as to what should be the policy of Pakistan government. Risks abound whatever course of action is adopted. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><b><u><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">Opinion in favor of policy of defiance of the United States</span></span></u></b></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">There is a strong opinion that before making any policy choice Pakistan’s decision makers should keep the larger context in mind and remember that the ultimate objectives of the United States and India are:</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in; vertical-align: top;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Symbol; font-size: 14pt;"><span>·<span style="font: 7pt 'Times New Roman';"> </span></span></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;">To prevent China from acquiring a foothold at Gwadar whereby it can project power at the mouth of the Gulf region in the Arabian Sea. China plans to build oil terminals at Gwadar and to obtain transit facilities across Balochistan, the NWFP and the Northern Areas of Pakistan, which goes against the interests of the United States and India.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div align="center" class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: center; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">GWADAR PORT</span></span></div><div align="center" class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: center; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div align="center" class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: center; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><img src="http://img112.imageshack.us/img112/817/gwaderport8do.jpg" /></span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in; vertical-align: top;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;">2.</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;">To deprive Pakistan of its nuclear assets on one or other pretext and, if they could, to reduce it to an innocuous buffer state between India and the oil producing Gulf region. India can then have access to the Central Asia and the Gulf region via Pakistan territory to meet its energy requirement and block China from reaching the Arabian Sea.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><span> </span></span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">It would be the height of naiveté, according to this opinion, not to read this United States and Indian Strategic objectives and still indulege in collective self deception, as preached, that its objective is limited to elimination of so-called terrorist threat from the Pakistani tribal belt. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">The United States has made it clear that it has come to Afghanistan to stay. So has Nato.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;">It is a new phase of the erstwhile ‘Great Game’ for control over energy resources and vital transit routes. The core areas in this ‘Great Game’ are Central Asia, Afghanistan, Iran and Pakistan and principal players the United States, Russia, China and India. </span><b><span style="color: #990000; font-family: Verdana;"></span></b></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">The protagonists of this opinion ask: If the United States has limited objectives and is serious in a peaceful resolution of Afghanistan crisis then why is it not opening serious dialogue with the Taliban. After all it was and so was, the UN, had Taliban acted as required post 911. If it was kosher then it ought to be now. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">Without taking the true representatives of the Pashtuns on board, how can the United States achieve a permanent peace in that country?</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">If Pakistan does not change its China policy, according to this opinion, the United States is likely to achieve its objectives by redrawing of regional map. This redrawing may be in the form of creation of an independent Balochistan by design and emergence of an ‘Islamic Emirate’ in the Pashtun majority areas, by defult. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">In either case, China will be blocked and Pakistan reduced to a shadow of its past.silent struggle between America and China to set Pakistan's future course has<span> </span>bee under way for a while. The symbiotic economic relationship between the US and China is so deep that economic disaster in one could cripple the other. Simultneously, one could not ignore the security interests of both nations are coming in conflict. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;">Both nations are attempting to resolve conflicting security interests without upsetting the economic applecart. The battlefield of this carefully calibrated struggle is Pakistan. A silent proxy war between the US and China is under way there.</span><b><span style="color: #990000; font-family: Verdana;"> </span></b></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">That struggle was out in the open the day President Musharraf assaulted the Lal Masjid and got off his neutral perch. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">The Lal Masjid clerics were loyal to Baitullah Mehsud. The latter's brother masterminded the attacks against Chinese workers in Baluchistan and Islamabad. After Chinese workers were killed, Beijing cracked the whip. Musharraf who had resisted similar pressure by the US to counter the Taliban in Afghanistan reacted with alacrity. He ordered the Lal Masjid assault. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">Assassination of Benazir Bhutto is also attributed to her declared agenda--to create a European style South Asian Union that would include India, Pakistan and Afghanistan.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">That is why Mehsud dismissed Pakistan's allegation that he was behind her murder. Mehsud had denied the allegation and there was no reason to disbelieve him. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">Instead the pro-Al Qaeda elements including those in the Pakistan army and ISI were alleged to be the likely suspects because they had a motive. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">In recent days the CIA charged the ISI with aiding the Taliban militants and organising the bombing of the Indian Embassy in Kabul. Prime Minister Gilani made a ritualistic denial of this charge. Clearly he is not equipped to take on the ISI. His attempt to place the agency under civilian control was farcically reversed withinhours. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">But Musharraf has leapt to the defence of the ISI and in good measure accused India of fomenting the unrest in Baluchistan. For both China and Pakistan, it is much easier targeting India than America.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">However, it transpires that within closed doors, Musharraf, general Kayani and ISI chief General Nadeem Taj did accuse the US of aiding terrorism in Pakistan. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">According to The News of Pakistan, impeccable sources had informed the paper that the Pakistani leaders had unburdened themselves to two senior US officials in meetings held on July 12th. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">The paper reported that the Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff admiral Michael Mullen and CIA deputy director Stephen R Kappes carried "what were seen as India-influenced intelligence inputs". </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">That "hardened the resolve of Pakistan's security establishment to keep supreme Pakistan's national security interest even if it meant straining ties with the US and NATO". </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">The report added: "The Americans were not interested in disrupting the Kabul-based fountainhead of terrorism in Baluchistan nor do they want to allocate the marvellous Predator (unmanned armed aerial combat vehicle) resource to neutralise the kingpin of suicide bombings against the Pakistani military establishment now hiding near the Pakistan-Afghan border." </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">The US officials were asked why the CIA-run Predators were not deployed after the exact location of tribal leader Baitullah Mehsud had been provided to them. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">It is in this context that Musharraf has accused India of fomenting unrest in Baluchistan while ceasefire violations by the Pakistani army have increased. Impeachment of Musharraf is being discussed by Asif Zardari and Nawaz Sharif, leaders of two Pakistan parties. Musharraf has cancelled his visit to the Beijing Olympics. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">Musharraf has seized the moment to strongly defend the army and ISI in order to counter his political opponents. After his recent visit to China he is probably confident of full support from Beijing. Rubbishing US allegations against the ISI seems to indicate that. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">According to this opinion, a careful study of the situation would suggest that it is relatively far better to have truce and negotiated settlement with the Taliban than waging war against them. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">The understanding with them can broadly be on the following lines:</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in; vertical-align: top;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Symbol; font-size: 14pt;"><span>·<span style="font: 7pt 'Times New Roman';"> </span></span></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;">Pakistan government should withdraw its troops from the tribal belt and let the local people, including the Taliban, the <i>ulema</i> and the tribal chiefs decide about the fate of the region.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in; vertical-align: top;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Symbol; font-size: 14pt;"><span>·<span style="font: 7pt 'Times New Roman';"> </span></span></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;">Pakistan armed forces should not obstruct cross-border incursions into Afghanistan by the Taliban. <u>It is far better to divert the Taliban towards Afghanistan</u> with tacit assurance to them that their rear is safe, if not for its strategic interest then as “tit for tat” for harbouring, training and launching terrorists in connivance with India.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in; vertical-align: top;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Symbol; font-size: 14pt;"><span>·<span style="font: 7pt 'Times New Roman';"> </span></span></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;">The Taliban may be allowed to implement <i>shari’ah</i> laws and to establish Islamic judicial system in the Pashtun areas where they enjoy considerable popular support, with negotiation and lagislation. A leaf may be drawn from Malaysia, and many other brotherly Muslim Countries. Even UK and else where in the world, where there is a rich debate going if Muslim Minorities in their midst ought to have their own judicial system.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in; vertical-align: top;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Symbol; font-size: 14pt;"><span>·<span style="font: 7pt 'Times New Roman';"> </span></span></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;">The Taliban should be persuaded not to interfere with the sectarian beliefs of other people and not to forcefully penetrate into non-Pashtun areas.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; text-indent: 5.25pt; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in; vertical-align: top;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Symbol; font-size: 14pt;"><span>·<span style="font: 7pt 'Times New Roman';"> </span></span></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;">If India continues with its policy of mischief, it should be paid in the same coin. Even if the peace process is jeopardized let it be so. The dormant <i>jihadi</i> outfits should no more be supressed for Freedom of occupied Kashmir.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in; vertical-align: top;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Symbol; font-size: 14pt;"><span>·<span style="font: 7pt 'Times New Roman';"> </span></span></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;">If Pakistan still remains under pressure to act against the Taliban, the Line of Control in Kashmir may be heated up. The world would not be able to ignore nuclear flash-point and issue of ‘war on terror’ would recede into background.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">The protagonists of this opinion maintain that even if the concessions to the Taliban mean creation of a quoasi- autonomous region within Pakistani state it is far better than spilling Muslim blood for other peoples war and ultimately witnessing the break-up of the country and surrender of its nuclear assets. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">In the most critical times the tribesmen have stood like a rock to defend Pakistan’s interests. The Taliban can still serve as the most dependable line of Pakistan’s defense only they need to be won over and prevented from falling into the lap of India.<span> </span></span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">The examples of Iraq and Iran have demonstrated that the United States acts only against weak countries. Pakistan should rise from prostration, become assertive and tell United States, as it is, no more at the cost of state.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><b><u><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">Opinion in favor of<span> </span>policy of compliance of the United States</span></span></u></b></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">The other opinion is that the United States is primarily concerned with the removal of terrorist threat emanating from Pakistani territory and that if another 9 /11 takes place it is likely to be from Pakistani tribal belt. That, un-wittingly, was articulated by Head of our Government.)</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">The protagonists of this opinion think that Pakistan is in no position to rise from prostration. Either genuinely or in order to ingratiate the United States they are prepared to declare the so-called American ‘war on terror’ as Pakistan’s war. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">They project the Taliban as a threat to Pakistani state and society and justify use of force to destroy them. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">Since 9 /11 Pakistan government has generally pursued this policy, although at times there was hunting with the hound and running with the hare. Towards the end of 2003, General Musharraf conceded that cross-border incursions into Afghanistan were taking place from Pakistani side and agreed to resort to military action. The use of force proved extremely costly, it destabilized Pakistan and intensified the process of Talibanization. At times the Pakistan government relented and entered into negotiations with the Taliban but peace agreements concluded between the two sides did not last long due to American pressure. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">The protagonists of the policy of compliance believe that Pakistan’s hands are tied and it very desperately needs economic and military assistance which can only be secured if it carries out American directives.<span> </span></span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><b><u><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">Conclusion and Suggestions</span></span></u></b></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">Any policy based on outright defiance of the United States is fraught with great dangers. Similarly, the continuation of present policy may bring economic windfall but it is very likely to result in a protracted warfare in FATA and the NWFP that may lead to a virtual north-south division of the country or its formal break-up.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">In the opinion of this scrib, the best course for Pakistan government would be to take the sensitivities of principal actors of the ‘Great Game’ into account. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoPlainText" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="background-color: silver;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">If it is unmistakably proved that giving China access to Gwadar port, with millitary objectives, is beyond the limit of tolerance of the United States and India, Pakistan may need to allay their apprehensions.(1)</span></span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">India is investing heavy on development of land route between Central Asia and Iranian Port of Chah Bahar via Afghanistan but the United States, despite its hostility with Iran, is has never shown any concerns to create any obstructions perhaps because the project does not involve China.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div align="center" class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: center; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div align="center" class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: center; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div align="center" class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: center; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">CHAHBAHAR ENERGY PORT IRAN</span></span></div><div align="center" class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: center; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div align="center" class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: center; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><img height="488" src="http://i72.photobucket.com/albums/i182/vazim/chahbahar1.jpg" width="672" /> </span></span> <span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"> </span></span></span> </span></span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><b><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"></span></b></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><b><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">The Chinese also need to be made to realize that they have equal stakes in this situation. It can’t happen that Pakistan does all the dirty work while they sit there, grow their economy and reap all the benefits. That said, the point is,<span> </span>we should never be comfortable with the US sitting so close to us. We should only accept them as friends at an arms length.</span></span></b></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">Simultaneously, Pakistan should persuade the United States to take Taliban on board in Afghanistan and advise the Taliban to dilute their ideology as a tactical readjustment.<span> </span>However, if both remain adamant to pursue the present course of action Pakistan should withdraw its troops from FATA and let the locals decide their future. There should be no use of force against the Taliban, provided they remain confined to Pastrun-majority areas and eschew sectarian violence. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">To India, Pakistan should offer olive branch. There are no permanent friends and foes in international politics. As has been the case untill now, in greater national interest, continue to let the Kashmir issue remain on back burner, that’s not burning. </span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">Provided India behaves and call it day by putting an end to it’s subversion of Pakistan via Kabul. India ought to know that it could be otherway around too.</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><span> </span></span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">When elephants fight grass is crushed. Why should Pakistan become battle field of great powers?</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoPlainText" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="background-color: silver;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">(1)(NewsCentralAsia.com</span></span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoPlainText" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="background-color: silver;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">Pakistan's Foreign Policy in a Changing World Date: Saturday, April 23 @ 01:36:04 PDT Topic: Central Asia Speaks)</span></span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoPlainText" style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoPlainText" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><a href="http://www.turkishweekly.net/comments.php?id=863" target="_blank"><u><span style="background-color: silver; font-family: Times New Roman;">http://www.turkishweekly.net/comments.php?id=863</span></u></a></span></div><div class="ecxMsoPlainText" style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">About the author: Amicus is the pseudonym of Advocate Mohammed Yousuf. Has written extensively on Islam and Islamist Militancy. Advocate Yousuf can be reached at:</span></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><a href="mailto:mohmmedyousuf@hotmail.com"><u><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">mohmmedyousuf@hotmail.com</span></u></a></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14pt;"><a href="mailto:advocateyousuf@blogspot.com"><u><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">advocateyousuf@blogspot.com</span></u></a></span></div><div class="ecxMsoNormal" style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; text-align: justify; vertical-align: top;"><br />
</div>Mohammed Yousuf, (Advocate)http://www.blogger.com/profile/02644165187785886133noreply@blogger.com218tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7952916163469380640.post-73646974976262367552011-05-04T01:44:00.000+05:002011-05-04T01:44:49.061+05:00CIA Chief Breaks Silence: Pakistan Would Have Jeopardized bin Laden Raid, ‘Impressive’ Intel Captured<a href="http://swampland.time.com/2011/05/03/cia-chief-breaks-silence-u-s-ruled-out-involving-pakistan-in-bin-laden-raid-early-on/">CIA Chief Breaks Silence: Pakistan Would Have Jeopardized bin Laden Raid, &#8216;Impressive&#8217; Intel Captured</a>Mohammed Yousuf, (Advocate)http://www.blogger.com/profile/02644165187785886133noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7952916163469380640.post-90196572027792142172011-04-30T13:08:00.000+05:002011-04-30T13:08:56.104+05:00Pakistan: State of Federation & New Provinces<h2>Pakistan: State of Federation & New Provinces</h2><small>By <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/author/amicus/" title="Posts by amicus">amicus</a> • Apr 30th, 2011 • Category: <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/category/lead/" rel="category tag" title="View all posts in Lead Story">Lead Story</a> • No Responses </small> <ins style="border: medium none; display: inline-table; height: 280px; margin: 0pt; padding: 0pt; position: relative; visibility: visible; width: 336px;"><ins id="aswift_0_anchor" style="border: medium none; display: block; height: 280px; margin: 0pt; padding: 0pt; position: relative; visibility: visible; width: 336px;"></ins></ins> Although in the past one did come across various suggestions to redefine Pakistan’s politico-administrative structure by creating new provinces, lately the issue has come in the forefront of political debate with unprecedented vigour.<br />
<table border="0" cellpadding="0" class="MsoNormalTable"><tbody>
<tr> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><strong><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Division</span></strong><strong></strong></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><strong><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Typ</span></strong><strong></strong></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><strong><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">HASC</span></strong><strong></strong></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><strong><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">FIPS</span></strong><strong></strong></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><strong><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Population</span></strong><strong></strong></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><strong><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Area(km.²)</span></strong><strong></strong></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><strong><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Area(mi.²)</span></strong><strong></strong></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><strong><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Capital</span></strong><strong></strong></div></td> </tr>
<tr> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Azad Kashmir</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">a</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><code><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">PK.JK</span></code></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><code><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">PK06</span></code></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">2,800,000</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">11,639</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">4,494</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Muzaffarabad</span></div></td> </tr>
<tr> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Balochistan</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">p</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><code><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">PK.BA</span></code></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><code><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">PK02</span></code></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">6,565,885</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">347,190</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">134,051</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Quetta</span></div></td> </tr>
<tr> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Federally Administered Tribal Areas</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">t</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><code><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">PK.TA</span></code></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><code><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">PK01</span></code></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">3,176,331</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">27,220</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">10,510</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Islamabad</span></div></td> </tr>
<tr> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Gilgit-Baltistan</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">a</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><code><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">PK.NA</span></code></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><code><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">PK07</span></code></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">910,000</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">72,520</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">28,000</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Gilgit</span></div></td> </tr>
<tr> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Islamabad</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">c</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><code><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">PK.IS</span></code></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><code><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">PK08</span></code></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">805,235</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">906</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">350</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Islamabad</span></div></td> </tr>
<tr> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">p</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><code><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">PK.NW</span></code></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><code><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">PK03</span></code></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">17,743,645</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">74,521</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">28,773</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Peshawar</span></div></td> </tr>
<tr> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Punjab</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">p</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><code><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">PK.PB</span></code></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><code><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">PK04</span></code></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">73,621,290</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">205,344</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">79,284</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Lahore</span></div></td> </tr>
<tr> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Sindh</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">p</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><code><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">PK.SD</span></code></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><code><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">PK05</span></code></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">30,439,893</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">140,914</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">54,407</span></div></td> <td style="padding: 0.75pt;"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Verdana","sans-serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Karachi</span></div></td> </tr>
</tbody> </table>Presently Pakistan is divided into four provinces, two centrally administered areas, one territory, and one capital territory.<br />
1. The Republic and its territories<br />
(1) Pakistan shall be a Federal Republic to be known as the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, hereinafter referred to as Pakistan.<br />
[1](2) The territories of Pakistan shall comprise: -<br />
(a) the Provinces of [1A]Balochistan, [1B]Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the Punjab and [1C]Sindh;<br />
(b) the Islamabad Capital Territory, hereinafter referred to as the Federal Capital;<br />
(c) Federally Administered Tribal Areas; and<br />
(d) such States and territories as are or may be included in Pakistan, whether by accession or otherwise.<br />
(3) [2] [Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament)] may by law admit into the Federation new States or areas on such terms and conditions as it thinks fit. Republic & Territory<br />
<strong>238.Amendment of Constitution</strong><br />
Subject to this Part, the Constitution may be amended by Act of [255][Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament)].<br />
<strong>[239.Constitution Amendment Bill</strong><br />
(4) A Bill to amend the Constitution which would have the effect of altering the limits of a Province shall not be presented to the President for assent unless it has been passed by the Provincial Assembly of that Province by the votes of not less than two-thirds of its total membership. Changing Limits of Province<br />
Creation of any new provinces, in view of the above scheme of the Constitution require a constitutional amendment, with passage of a resolution by 2/3rd majority of the affected federating unit.<br />
After the partition of India in 1947, the king of Jammu and Kashmir (Modern Day Indian Jammu and Kashmir + Azad Kashmir + Northern Areas + Aksai Chin) decided to let Jammu-Kashmir be an independent state. This was soon followed by a tribal invasion of Kashmir backed by regular Pakistani troops. Fearing the might of Pakistani Forces, Kashmir sought military help from India and in-turn decided to accede with India.<br />
India accepted this and the Indo-Pakistani War of 1947 was fought to send Pakistani forces back. However, the war was not decisively complete and a cease-fire was called in 1948.The end of the war saw India (occupying) gaining most of Kashmir, including the fertile parts of it.<br />
Part of Kashmir to the west of the ceasefire line or the Line of Control, known as Northern Areas (72,496 km²) in the north and Azad Kashmir (13,300 km²) in the south, was liberated by Pakistan.<br />
A small part, the Trans-Karakoram Tract, of the Northern Areas was ceded to the People's Republic of China by Pakistan in 1963.<br />
Similarly the incumbent government re-named Northern Areas as Gilgit-Baltistan, with the status of a province, on 29th August 2009, Whether or not the elevation of the Federally Administered Northern Areas to provincial status, and renaming as Gilgit-Baltistan, has met the demands of the local population, it has certainly provided India a new battlefield on which it can fight Pakistan, with the added advantage that it also involves India taking on an anti-Chinese posture. Besides, in the event of a plebiscite on Kashmir, under UN resolution, the creation of this entity within Pakistan may pose serious problems for the people of Kashmir.<br />
This further involves the USA, which sees India as its future regional counterweight against China, in a position where it works against Pakistani interests. According to a report in this newspaper, Indian attention is already moving in this direction, intercepted messages have shown that the so-called Balwaristan National Front, or BNF, will attempt to disrupt the Pakistan-China trade, which is an important part of the economy of the area, through demonstrations.<br />
Expatriates from the area in the USA are to play their role by supporting a certain Imtiaz who is playing a role for the independence of the area. This is evidence that the USA is involved in the Indian machinations, and wants to foment trouble in the area, where it fears the growth of Chinese influence. Apart from its opposition to China, India is also only too happy to involve the USA in a covert operation that puts it in opposition to Pakistan in the disputed territory of Kashmir, of which Gilgit-Baltistan is a part, the former Gilgit Wizarat of the old state, which broke away from Indian control in 1947. Danger in Gilgit-Baltistan<br />
That said, the agitation for Hazara province had hardly subsided that the Pakistan People’s Party announced its support for the creation of a Seraiki province without defining its boundaries. The movement for Seraiki / Bahawalpur province is quite old but it got fresh impetus as a result of the PPP’s support, particularly because Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani hails from the Seraiki region.<br />
Perhaps the PPP, ostensibly, aims at undermining the strength of the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) and weakening the hold of Punjab on the federation and it seeks to revive its dwindling popularity before the next general elections and is in no mood to leave the field open to the PML (N) in Punjab. However, in reality it runs contrary to Mr. Zardairi’s claim of “Pakistan Khappay”.<br />
The proponents of the creation of more provinces contend that such a step would increase the efficiency of administrative machinery, redress the people’s long-term grievances, promote the development of backward areas, impart to the people a sense of participation in governance and break the monopoly of a single province in the affairs of the federation.<br />
Notwithstanding the benefits that are likely to ensue, the creation of new provinces is not an easy task. One must look into the history of Pakistan’s federation to understand the complexities of the situation.<br />
• Under the Indian Independence Act 1947, which also amended the Government of India Act 1935, Pakistan emerged as a dominion on 15 August 1947 comprising Sindh, NWFP, (West) Punjab, (East) Bengal, Sylhet (Assam) and a part of Balochistan region that was under the Chief Commissioner. The Federally Administered Tribal Areas enjoyed special status.<br />
• On 16 August 1947, the Princely State of Bahawalpur applied for accession to Pakistan and on 17 October the same year it became a part of Pakistan.<br />
• On 11 October 1947, the Princely State of Khairpur announced its accession to Pakistan and was duly incorporated.<br />
• However, the Princely States of Kalat, Kharan, Lasbela and Makran in Balochistan region were reluctant to join Pakistan.<br />
• In fact, on 15 August 1947 the State of Kalat announced its independence. In September the same year both houses of its newly formed parliament rejected the proposal to accede to Pakistan.<br />
• On 17 March 1948, Pakistan Government declared that Kharan, Lasbela and Makran were identities separate from Kalat and annexed them.<br />
• Simultaneously Kalat was given an ultimatum to decide about its accession latest by 1 April 1948. With other options virtually closed, the Khan of Kalat announced on 27 March, four days before the due date, that his State was acceding to Pakistan.<br />
• The Princely States that acceded to Pakistan were granted special status and representation in the First Constituent Assembly of Pakistan individually or in the form of groups.<br />
• The First Constituent Assembly failed to frame a constitution, inter alia, largely due to conflict between Punjab and Bengal over the size of representation in the parliament. The Constituent Assembly was dissolved in October 1954.<br />
• On 23 September 1955, the Second Constituent Assembly of Pakistan passed a resolution for creating ‘One Unit’ i.e., a single province of West Pakistan comprising Punjab, Sindh, NWFP, Balochistan and the Princely States of Bahawalpur, Khairpur, Kalat, Kharan, Lasbela and Makran.<br />
• This was done to frame the Constitution of Pakistan on the principle of parity i.e., equality of representation between East and West Pakistan in federal legislative assembly. The province of West Pakistan came into existence on 14 October 1955 with Lahore as its capital.<br />
• The Constitutions of 1956 and 1962 were based on the principle of parity between the eastern and western wings of the country.<br />
• On 28 July 1969, the Princely States of Chitral, Dir and Swat, which hitherto enjoyed special status, were annexed to the province of West Pakistan on what was called popular demand.<br />
• There was resentment everywhere except in Punjab against ‘One Unit’. One of the popular demands during the agitation against Ayub Khan was to restore the former provinces. Effective 1 July 1970, Yahya Khan Administration abolished ‘One Unit’ without fully reverting to status quo ante.<br />
• Bahawalpur was merged into Punjab, Khairpur and the former capital city of Karachi into Sindh, the States of Swat, Dir and Chitral into NWFP (now Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa) and the States of Kalat, Kharan, Lasbela and Makran into newly formed full-fledged province of Balochistan.<br />
• Seen in this background, the creation of the province of Bahawalpur would amount to recognizing that Bahawalpur’s merger into Punjab was unjustified. It may tempt other such entities to demand provincial status; especially Kalat’s case would become very strong because it was forced to accede to Pakistan despite the fact that both houses of its parliament had rejected the proposal of accession to Pakistan.<br />
• Although the population of what was formerly the Princely State of Bahawalpur is predominantly Seraiki-speaking, the Seraiki people in sizable numbers live in provinces other than Punjab also.<br />
Hence, it would be unjust to create a Seraiki province in the areas of Punjab only just to break Punjab’s hegemony in the federation.<br />
If a Seraiki province is ever to be created, it should comprise the areas of southern Punjab, northern Sindh, eastern Balochistan and southeastern Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa where Seraiki language is spoken as mother tongue. Multan deserves to be its capital.<br />
In case the demands for creation of Seraiki and Hazara provinces are conceded, this may over time encourage the Potoharies in Punjab to claim a separate province. Trickier would become the issue of Balochistan where there is a large population of Pakhtuns in the north and northwest and they may call for bifurcation of Balochistan. The Makranies in the south of the province may also aspire for separate status.<br />
Potentially the most dangerous situation is in Sindh. The Urdu-speaking people of Karachi have ethos those are quite different from the natives. For present the Muttahida Qaumi Movement wants to have city governments in urban Sindh but this posture is tactical and may not last long. In the past it had not ruled out demand for Karachi province.<br />
Any redrawing of provinces on the basis of language and ethnicity is fraught with risk of accompanying violence. There may be displacement and transfer of population on a large scale if the situation turns nasty.<br />
The creation of new provinces may strengthen centrifugal forces. It may enhance the role of regional or separatist groups at the cost of national parties. If the process of unravelling of the federation started, it may not be controlled.<br />
We have before us the example of Yugoslavia where ethnic diversities led to internal wars culminating in the break up of the country. It is advisable to be cautious and discreet to avert disaster.<br />
One suggestion often made is that instead of creating provinces that conform to ethno-lingual lines, the country should have a number of smaller provinces that disintegrate nationalities.<br />
For example, one blogger on the website of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf has proposed division of Punjab into Cholistan, Ravi, Gandhara and Panjnad provinces; of Sindh into Sindh Uttar [northern] and Sindh Dakshin [southern] provinces; of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa into Khyber and Abaseen provinces and of Balochistan into Bolan and Makran provinces. He has further suggested that FATA should be renamed as Khorasan province and Gilgit-Baltistan as Karakoram province.<br />
But the questions are: first, what would be the administrative cost of having twelve provinces and a federal capital with respective executives, legislatures and judiciaries? Secondly, how much autonomy should these provinces enjoy? Lastly, are the Council of Common Interests and National Finance Commission capable of resolving inter-provincial and province-centre differences / disputes if the number of provinces increases?<br />
The concurrent list having been abolished under the Eighteenth Amendment, the constituent units of the federation have already become considerably autonomous and if twelve provinces are created, the federation may not remain manageable.<br />
Finally, the question is; ‘is the present parliament constitutionally authorized and morally justified to take the vital decision of creating new provinces?’<br />
The Second Constituent Assembly, a body duly authorized to frame the constitution, although it is doubtful it had the right to amalgamate the Princely States into the province of West Pakistan, created the ‘One Unit’.<br />
A military ruler who was afterwards declared usurper by the Supreme Court undid the province of West Pakistan; however, for various reasons the actions of Martial Law Administration were validated.<br />
Subsequently, the Constituent-cum-Legislative Assembly elected in 1970 under Martial Law Administration’s Legal Framework Order when it framed the Constitution of 1973, legitimated the break up of the ‘One Unit’.<br />
Interestingly, the same Assembly, which had completed its task of framing the Constitution, considered itself authorized to recognize Bangladesh after amending the Constitution (First Amendment).<br />
If the then parliament could amend the Constitution to recognize secession of a territory designated as a part of Pakistan in the Constitution, the present parliament cannot be barred from creating new provinces through amendment to the Constitution.<br />
However, morally it would not be appropriate for the existing parliament to do so because no such promise was made at the time of elections held in 2008. Either the political parties supporting the creation of new provinces should make the proposal a part of their manifesto for the next general elections or the federal government should hold a referendum on the issue to ascertain the people’s opinion.<br />
All said one must realize that presently Pakistan is passing through an extremely critical phase of its history. It is advised that no Pandora’s box should be opened at present juncture that might endanger the country’s security and territorial integrity.<br />
The purpose of this paper is to generate an informed. If that was to happen the author may be vindicated.<br />
<em>Be Content with what you have; rejoice in the way things are. When you realize there is nothing lacking, the whole world belongs to you.Lao Tzu</em><br />
<em>Governing a great nation is like cooking a small fish – too much handling will spoil it. Lao Tzu</em>Mohammed Yousuf, (Advocate)http://www.blogger.com/profile/02644165187785886133noreply@blogger.com227tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7952916163469380640.post-28390187238121570892011-03-26T14:11:00.002+05:002011-03-26T14:11:59.251+05:00Amn Ka Chakka, a Loose Ball or a Bouncer?<h2>Amn Ka Chakka, a Loose Ball or a Bouncer?</h2><small>By <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/author/amicus/" title="Posts by amicus">amicus</a> • Mar 26th, 2011 • Category: <a href="http://www.pkhope.com/category/features/" rel="category tag" title="View all posts in Features">Features</a> • No Responses </small> <ins style="border: medium none; display: inline-table; height: 280px; margin: 0pt; padding: 0pt; position: relative; visibility: visible; width: 336px;"><ins id="aswift_0_anchor" style="border: medium none; display: block; height: 280px; margin: 0pt; padding: 0pt; position: relative; visibility: visible; width: 336px;"></ins></ins> In 1996, India and Pakistan sent joint cricket “friendship” teams to Sri Lanka during the World Cup the three nations were then jointly hosting, after Australia and the West Indies refused to tour Sri Lanka after a Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) bomb attack in Colombo. Top Indian and Pakistani cricket stars played together in Sri Lanka to express solidarity with the island nation.<br />
Following the November 26 terrorist attacks in Mumbai, it was Sri Lankan solidarity for Pakistan that brought its ill-fated team to Lahore, after India meanly canceled its tour as apparent payback for the Mumbai attacks.<br />
“Match abandoned due to terror attacks,” announced the Google News India home page of the second five-day match in Lahore between Sri Lanka and Pakistan, in the live updates of matches that Google provides for cricket-crazy Indian fans. Such a match-ending line has never been seen in the 120-year recorded history of the game.<br />
Cricket was already a strong component in sub-continental diplomacy, both to express coldness and as an ice-breaker in relations. An Indian cricket team toured Pakistan in 1977, to mark the resumption of warmer diplomatic ties between the two countries after the 1971 war that led to the creation of Bangladesh.<br />
Former Pakistan president and late military dictator Zia ul-Haq was an ardent cricket fan, as have been his successor chiefs of the Pakistan army, some of whom have headed the Pakistan cricket board, recently former Pakistan president Pervez Musharraf.<br />
In 1987, Zia ul-Haq, whose term marked the resumption of India-Pakistan tensions over disputed Kashmir, went to India almost uninvited to see a cricket match in Jaipur, in what he hoped would be an attempt to cool rising tempers in India over Pakistan’s alleged involvement in terrorist violence in the restive region.<br />
In 1996, India and Pakistan sent joint cricket “friendship” teams to Sri Lanka during the World Cup the three nations were then jointly hosting, after Australia and the West Indies refused to tour Sri Lanka after a Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) bomb attack in Colombo. Top Indian and Pakistani cricket stars played together in Sri Lanka to express solidarity with the island nation.<br />
The 1999 war between India and Pakistan, the worst military confrontation between the two countries since 1971, happened during the cricket World Cup in England in which both nations were participating.<br />
A 2003 Indian tour of Pakistan led to unprecedented warmth between the two neighboring nations, a people-to-people contact.<br />
In 2004, the Indian cricket team went to Pakistan for the first full tour after more than a decade. It was termed as the Friendship series.<br />
In 2005, Musharraf came to see a cricket match in New Delhi, the city of his birth, to again thaw relations between the two nations.<br />
In identical letters to President Asif Ali Zardari and Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gilani, Singh said he proposed to watch the Indo-Pak World Cup semi-final and “it gives me a great pleasure” to invite them to watch the match.<br />
“India has always been desirous of friendly relations with Pakistan. Yet, we have been very firm and realistic about what we expect in return. The latest overture is yet another expression of this holistic approach,” Congress spokesperson Manish Tiwary said.<br />
In his editorial in party’s mouthpiece, Saamna, Shiv Sena chief Bal Thackeray, then wrote that Shahrukh deserves Pakistan’s highest civilian award “Nishaan-e-Pakistan” for supporting Pakistani cricketers’ inclusion in IPL. Sena activists demonstrated outside Shahrukh’s bungalow “Mannat” at Bandra. Suggesting that Shahrukh should go to Pakistan, they displayed a travel ticket for him from Mumbai to Karachi. They also tore down posters of Shahrukh’s new film, “My Name is Khan” and wrote to theater owners asking them not to screen this move. (January 31 2010).<br />
Shiv Sena has a history of trying to disrupt visits by Pakistan’s cricket team to India. Pakistan has not visited India since 2007, the last tour being canceled after a November 2008 terror attack at Mumbai.<br />
A right-wing political party with roots in Mumbai was reported in the domestic media Friday as saying it would decide to see who wins the India vs. Pakistan semifinal at Mohali on wednesday before deciding whether or not to disrupt the marquee match.<br />
India-Pakistan semi-final in Mohali now looks set to be the highpoint of the current cricket World Cup but the possibility of Pakistan going on to play the finals in Mumbai is giving nightmares to the Indian security apparatus.<br />
“Pakistan’s successful run in the ongoing Cricket World Cup has given fresh jitters to India that now anticipates a deluge of visa applications, over and above the 5,000 already processed,” Says Indian Express.<br />
The danger of the fanatical Shiv Sena creating ugly scenes and bringing the city to a halt, also could not be taken lightly, it quoted sources as saying.<br />
“But what bothers the Indian Home Ministry and security agencies is Mumbai as venue, where memories of 26/11 terror attacks are still fresh and the terror threat from the Lashkar-e-Taiba looms large,” the Indian Express said.<br />
“While the Home Ministry is not worried about the semi-finals in Mohali which is close to Attari-Wagah border, and arrangements can be made for fans to come through the border point at Wagah via special buses, Mumbai has posed a real challenge,” according to the Express.<br />
“The Home Ministry in consultation with the Ministry of External Affairs has decided that the 45-day application period required would be waived off, but has dismissed the suggestion from Islamabad that fans be allowed to reach Mumbai by Samjhauta Express train via Atari border.”<br />
A government source told the Express that there were “other easier ways of reaching Mumbai, say by flight or by the sea”.<br />
As enough flights cannot be arranged and possibility of getting a special trainload from Attari has been ruled out, a short ship voyage from Karachi to Mumbai is being seen as a possibility, the report said.<br />
According to Foreign Office, the invitation from Indian Prime Minister to the President and the Prime Minister was received on Friday evening. Pakistan government’s response to Indian PM’s invitation to Mohali is yet to come. However, Indians are optimistic that in all likelihood, one of the Pakistani leaders will agree to watch the match with Mr. Singh. Besides watching an exciting contest, leaders of the two nations will have a unique opportunity to iron out their differences.<br />
(Bharat Chronicle)<br />
Next couple of days will tell Manmohanji’s Cricket offensive is Amn Ka Chakka, a loose ball or a Bouncer.<br />
In the meanwhile let’s enjoy cricket, leaving the Cricket diplomacy to politicians. Best wishes for Pakistan team in Mohali and Mumbai.Mohammed Yousuf, (Advocate)http://www.blogger.com/profile/02644165187785886133noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7952916163469380640.post-26859862271128488712011-03-24T23:29:00.000+05:002011-03-24T23:29:35.295+05:00Libya's Terrorism Option<a href="http://www.stratfor.com/weekly/20110323-libyas-terrorism-option">Libya's Terrorism Option</a>Mohammed Yousuf, (Advocate)http://www.blogger.com/profile/02644165187785886133noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7952916163469380640.post-70679237817729239272011-01-28T15:24:00.000+05:002011-01-28T15:24:24.762+05:00Judge Not!!<div style="font-family: Tahoma; font-size: 13px; text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;"><span class="ecxApple-style-span" style="color: #632423; font-family: Verdana; font-size: medium; text-indent: 0px !important;"><span class="ecxApple-style-span" style="line-height: 41px; text-indent: 0px !important;"><b style="text-indent: 0px !important;"><u style="text-indent: 0px !important;"><span class="ecxApple-style-span" style="font-weight: normal; line-height: normal; text-indent: 0px !important;">JUDGE NOT!!</span></u></b></span></span></div><div style="font-family: Tahoma; font-size: 13px; text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;"><span class="ecxApple-style-span" style="color: #632423; font-family: Verdana; font-size: medium; text-indent: 0px !important;"><span class="ecxApple-style-span" style="line-height: 41px; text-indent: 0px !important;"><b style="text-indent: 0px !important;"><u style="text-indent: 0px !important;"><span class="ecxApple-style-span" style="font-weight: normal; line-height: normal; text-indent: 0px !important;"><br style="text-indent: 0px !important;" /></span></u></b></span></span></div><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Tahoma; font-size: 13px;"><span style="color: #632423; font-family: Verdana; font-size: medium; text-indent: 0px !important;"><div style="line-height: normal; text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;">I was shocked, confused, bewildered</div><div style="line-height: normal; text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;">As I entered Heaven's door,</div><div style="line-height: normal; text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;">Not by the beauty of it all,</div><div style="line-height: normal; text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;"> Nor the lights or its decor.</div><div style="text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;"><span class="ecxApple-style-span" style="line-height: 23px; text-indent: 0px !important;"><br style="text-indent: 0px !important;" /></span></div><div style="text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;">But it was the folks in Heaven</div><div style="text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;"> Who made me sputter and gasp--</div><div style="text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;">The thieves, the liars, the sinners,</div><div style="text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;"> The alcoholics and the trash.</div><div style="text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;"><span class="ecxApple-style-span" style="line-height: 23px; text-indent: 0px !important;"><br style="text-indent: 0px !important;" /></span></div><div style="text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;">There stood the kid from seventh grade</div><div style="text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;"> Who swiped my lunch money twice.</div><div style="text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;">Next to him was my old neighbor</div><div style="text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;"> Who never said anything nice.</div><div style="text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;"><span class="ecxApple-style-span" style="line-height: 23px; text-indent: 0px !important;"><br style="text-indent: 0px !important;" /></span></div><div style="text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;">Herb, who I always thought</div><div style="text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;"> Was rotting away in hell,</div><div style="text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;">Was sitting pretty on cloud nine,</div><div style="text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;"> Looking incredibly well.</div><div style="text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;"><span class="ecxApple-style-span" style="line-height: 23px; text-indent: 0px !important;"><br style="text-indent: 0px !important;" /></span></div><div style="text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;">I nudged the Angel, 'What's the deal?</div><div style="text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;"> I would love to hear Your take.</div><div style="text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;">How'd all these sinners get up here?</div><div style="text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;"> God must've made a mistake.</div><div style="text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;"><span class="ecxApple-style-span" style="line-height: 23px; text-indent: 0px !important;"><br style="text-indent: 0px !important;" /></span></div><div style="text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;">'And why is everyone so quiet,</div><div style="text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;"> So somber - give me a clue.'</div><div style="text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;">'Hush, child,' He said, 'they're all in shock.</div><div style="text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;"> No one thought they'd be seeing you here..'</div><div style="text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;"><span class="ecxApple-style-span" style="line-height: 23px; text-indent: 0px !important;"><br style="text-indent: 0px !important;" /></span></div><div style="text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;">JUDGE NOT!!</div><div style="text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;"><span class="ecxApple-style-span" style="line-height: 23px; text-indent: 0px !important;"><br style="text-indent: 0px !important;" /></span></div><div style="text-align: center; text-indent: 0px !important;">Every saint has a PAST... Every sinner has a FUTURE!</div><div><br />
</div></span></span>Mohammed Yousuf, (Advocate)http://www.blogger.com/profile/02644165187785886133noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7952916163469380640.post-51812925718909560042011-01-27T22:22:00.000+05:002011-01-27T22:22:50.987+05:00Our Lagislators<div style="text-align: center;">Our Lagislators</div><div style="text-align: center;"></div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">Our lagislators are not computer buffs,well most of them. They all claim to be at least Graduate. </div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">When they are in the Parliament House, they sleep. </div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">If awake they indulge in bickering. Sleep again. </div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">Justify more privillages. </div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">Move privillege motions. </div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">Offer Fateha for the victims of terrorism, militancy, national catestrophy. </div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">Ask for funds for the victims. </div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">Indulge in blame game. </div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">Change positions from treassury benches or vice versa. </div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">Give time frames to the government, with solutions found by them, </div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">in their dvine wisdom, </div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">after three years stooper (stuper) and;</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">go to sleep for 45 days, </div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">might as well for remainder of the tenure of the Assemblies and governments.</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">They have all ganged up for what?</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">No they want to strengthen</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">Democracy</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">N0.</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">Complete their tenure.</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">Life continues, or </div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">better continues to suffer.</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">from </div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">Rising Cost of Living, insecurity of life, property and Honor</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">Food shoratges, High cost of Living</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">absence of </div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">water, power, fuel</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">militancy</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">terrorism</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">target killings</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">but </div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">Good thing is we have democracy. </div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">People </div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">this what you wanted. </div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">So be it.</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">Here is democracy.</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">Pakistan Zindabad</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">See you</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">at the </div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">end</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">of the tenure</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">of </div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">Assemblies</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">may be </div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">Life</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">mine</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">your</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">our</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">as </div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">Nation</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">No </div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">we are not them</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">we will do</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">some thing</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">We will</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">?</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">See something is happenning in</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">Tunis</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">Algeria</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">Egypt</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">Pakistan</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: center;">?</div>Mohammed Yousuf, (Advocate)http://www.blogger.com/profile/02644165187785886133noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7952916163469380640.post-82990865188673591832011-01-11T23:07:00.000+05:002011-01-11T23:07:59.037+05:00Open the Dyke-Say no to Status QuoOpen the Dyke-Say no to Status Quo<br />
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<br />
amicus<br />
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"The Parable of Falcon and the Tree Trunk!<br />
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In olden days, a king who was fond of hunting birds received a gift of two magnificent falcons from another king. They were peregrine falcons, the most beautiful birds he had ever seen. He gave the precious birds to his head falconer to be trained.<br />
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Months passed and one day the head falconer informed the king that though one of the falcons was flying majestically, soaring high in the sky. But, the other bird had not moved from the single branch of a dried up tree since the day it had arrived.<br />
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The king summoned experts from all the land to tend to the falcon, but no one could make the bird fly from its perch. Having tried everything else, the king thought to himself, "May be I need someone more familiar with the countryside to understand the nature of this problem." So he cried out to his court, "Go and get a farmer."<br />
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In the morning, the king was thrilled to see the falcon soaring high above the palace gardens. <br />
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The king asked the farmer "How did you make the falcon fly?"<br />
<br />
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With a bow, he replied “ I cut the branch which this falcon had come to like and preferred sitting on it, rather than fly. Moreso, as he was getting good food to eat and fresh water to drink through courtesy of the royal attendants.” <br />
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We are all made to fly -- to realize our incredible potential as human beings. But instead of doing that, we sit on our branches, clinging to the things that are easier or become familiar to us. The possibilities are endless, but for most of us, they remain undiscovered. We conform to the familiar, the comfortable, the mundane. So for the most part, our lives are mediocre instead of exciting, thrilling and fulfilling.<br />
<br />
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So let us learn to destroy the branch of fear we cling to and free ourselves to the glory of flight."Mohammed Yousuf, (Advocate)http://www.blogger.com/profile/02644165187785886133noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7952916163469380640.post-13659199426574479932011-01-02T22:25:00.000+05:002011-01-02T22:25:06.432+05:00Aadil Adalat Ka Aadil FaislaDear All,<br />
<br />
<br />
A must read leaf from glorious Islamic Justice System. I wish this should be read by all those who undertake indiscreet renovations of public buildings under their use involving huge funds and by those who claim immunity of their actions.Regards. Mufti<br />
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بسم اللہ الرحمٰن الرحیم<br />
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السلامُ علیکم و رحمۃ اللہ و برکاتہ<br />
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عادل عدالت کا عادل فیصلہ <br />
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عرب سالار قتیبۃ بن مسلم نے اسلامی لشکر کشی کے اصولوں سے انحراف کرتے ہوئے سمرقند کو فتح کر لیا تھا، اصول یہ تھا کہ حملہ کرنے سے پہلے تین دن کی مہلت دی جائے۔ اور یہ بے اصولی ہوئی بھی تو ایسے دور میں جب زمانہ بھی عمر بن عبدالعزیز کا چل رہا تھا۔ <br />
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سمرقند کے پادری نے مسلمانوں کی اس غاصبانہ فتح پر قتیبۃ کے خلاف شکایت دمشق میں بیٹھے مسلمانوں کے حاکم کو ایک پیغامبر کے ذریعہ خط لکھ کر بھجوائی۔ <br />
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پیغامبر نے دمشق پہنچ کر ایک عالیشان عمارت دیکھی جس میں لوگ رکوع و سجود کر رہے تھے۔ اُس نے لوگوں سے پوچھا: کیا یہ حاکمِ شہر کی رہائش ہے؟ لوگوں نے کہا یہ تو مسجد ہے، تو نماز نہیں پڑھتا کیا؟ پیغامبر نے کہا نہیں، میں اھلِ سمرقند کے دین کا پیروکارہوں۔ لوگوں نے اُسے حاکم کے گھر کا راستہ دکھا دیا۔ <br />
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پیغامبر لوگوں کے بتائے ہوئے راستہ پر چلتے حاکم کے گھر جا پہنچا، کیا دیکھتا ہے کہ ایک شخص دیوار سے لگی سیڑھی پر چڑھ کر چھت کی لپائی کر رہا ہے اور نیچے کھڑی ایک عورت گارا اُٹھا کر اُسے دے رہی ہے۔ پیغامبر جس راستے سے آیا تھا واپس اُسی راستے سے اُن لوگوں کے پاس جا پہنچا جنہوں نے اُسے راستہ بتایا تھا۔ اُس نے لوگوں سے کہا میں نے تم سے حاکم کے گھر کا پتہ پوچھا تھا نہ کہ اِس مفلوک الحال شخص کا جس کے گھر کی چھت بھی ٹوٹی ہوئی ہے۔ لوگوں نے کہا، ہم نے تجھے پتہ ٹھیک ہی بتایا تھا، وہی حاکم کا گھر ہے۔ پیغامبر نے بے دلی سے دوبارہ اُسی گھرپر جا کر دستک دی، <br />
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جو شخص کچھ دیر پہلے تک لپائی کر رہا تھا وہی اند ر سے نمودار ہوا۔ میں سمرقند کے پادری کی طرف سے بھیجا گیا پیغامبر ہوں کہہ کر اُس نے اپنا تعارف کرایا اور خط حاکم کو دیدیا۔ اُس شخص نے خط پڑھ کر اُسی خط کی پشت پر ہی لکھا: عمر بن عبدالعزیز کی طرف سے سمرقند میں تعینات اپنے عامل کے نام؛ ایک قاضی کا تقرر کرو جو پادری کی شکایت سنے۔ مہر لگا کر خط واپس پیغامبر کو دیدیا۔ <br />
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پیغامبر وہاں سے چل تو دیا مگر اپنے آپ سے باتیں کرتے ہوئے، کیا یہ وہ خط ہے جو مسلمانوں کے اُس عظیم لشکر کو ہمارے شہر سے نکالے گا؟ سمرقند لوٹ کر پیغامبر نے خط پادری کو تھمایا، جسے پڑھ کر پادری کو بھی اپنی دنیا اندھیر ہوتی دکھائی دی، خط تو اُسی کے نام لکھا ہوا تھا جس سے اُنہیں شکایت تھی، اُنہیں یقین تھا کاغذ کا یہ ٹکڑا اُنہیں کوئی فائدہ نہیں پہنچا سکے گا۔ مگر پھر بھی خط لیکر مجبورا اُس حاکمِ سمرقند کے پاس پہنچے جس کے فریب کا وہ پہلے ہی شکار ہو چکے تھے۔ حاکم نے خط پڑھتے ہی فورا ایک قاضی (جمیع نام کا ایک شخص) کا تعین کردیا جو سمرقندیوں کی شکایت سن سکے۔ <br />
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موقع پر ہی عدالت لگ گئی، ایک چوبدار نے قتیبہ کا نام بغیر کسی لقب و منصب کے پکارا، قتیبہ اپنی جگہ سے اُٹھ کر قاضی کے رو برو اور پادری کے ساتھ ہو کر بیٹھ گیا۔ <br />
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قاضی نے سمرقندی سے پوچھا، کیا دعویٰ ہے تمہارا؟ <br />
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پادری نے کہا: قتیبہ نے بغیر کسی پیشگی اطلاع کے ہم پر حملہ کیا، نہ تو اِس نے ہمیں اسلام قبول کرنے کی دعوت دی تھی اور نہ ہی ہمیں کسی سوچ و بچار کا موقع دیا تھا۔ <br />
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(ایک تاریخی نکتہ ملحوظہ فرما لیجیئے کہ قتیبہ بن مسلم رحمۃ اللہ علیہ کا اُس وقت تک انتقال ہو چکا تھا، یہاں پر قتیبہ سے مراد اُنکا نائب ہے) <br />
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قاضی نے قتیبہ (کے نائب) کو دیکھ کر پوچھا، کیا کہتے ہو تم اس دعویٰ کے جواب میں؟ <br />
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قتیبہ (کے نائب)نے کہا: قاضی صاحب، جنگ تو ہوتی ہی فریب اور دھوکہ ہے، سمرقند ایک عظیم ملک تھا، اس کے قرب و جوار کے کمتر ملکوں نے نہ تو ہماری کسی دعوت کو مان کر اسلام قبول کیا تھا اور نہ ہی جزیہ دینے پر تیار ہوئے تھے، بلکہ ہمارے مقابلے میں جنگ کو ترجیح دی تھی۔ سمرقند کی زمینیں تو اور بھی سر سبز و شاداب اور زور آور تھیں، ہمیں پورا یقین تھا کہ یہ لوگ بھی لڑنے کو ہی ترجیح دیں گے، ہم نے موقع سے فائدہ اُٹھایا اور سمرقند پر قبضہ کر لیا۔ <br />
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قاضی نے قتیبہ (کے نائب) کی بات کو نظر انداز کرتے ہوئے دوبارہ پوچھا: قتیبہ میری بات کا جواب دو، تم نے ان لوگوں کو اسلام قبول کرنے کی دعوت، جزیہ یا پھر جنگ کی خبر دی تھی؟ <br />
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قتیبہ (کے نائب) نے کہا: نہیں قاضی صاحب، میں نے جس طرح پہلے ہی عرض کر دیا ہے کہ ہم نے موقع سے فائدہ اُٹھایا تھا۔ <br />
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قاضی نے کہا: میں دیکھ رہا ہوں کہ تم اپنی غلطی کا اقرار کر رہے ہو، اس کے بعد تو عدالت کا کوئی اور کام رہ ہی نہیں جاتا۔ <br />
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قتیبہ: اللہ نے اس دین کو فتح اور عظمت تو دی ہی عدل و انصاف کی وجہ سے ہے نہ کہ دھوکہ دہی اور موقع پرستی سے۔ <br />
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میری عدالت یہ فیصلہ سناتی ہے کہ تمام مسلمان فوجی اور انکے عہدہ داران بمع اپنے بیوی بچوں کے، اپنی ہر قسم کی املاک، گھر اور دکانیں چھوڑ کر سمرقند کی حدوں سے باہر نکل جائیں اور سمر قند میں کوئی مسلمان باقی نہ رہنے پائے۔ اگر ادھر دوبارہ آنا بھی ہو تو بغیر کسی پیشگی اطلاع و دعوت کے اور تین دن کی سوچ و بچار کی مہلت دیئے بغیر نہ آیا جائے۔ <br />
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پادری جو کچھ دیکھ اور سن رہا تھا وہ ناقابل یقین بلکہ ایک مذاق اور تمثیل نظر آ رہا تھا۔ چند لمحوں کی یہ عدالت، نہ کوئی گواہ اور نہ ہی دلیلوں کی ضرورت۔ اور تو اور قاضی بھی اپنی عدالت کو برخاست کرکے قتیبہ کے ساتھ ہی اُٹھ کر جا رہا تھا۔ <br />
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اور چند گھنٹوں کے بعد ہی سمرقندیوں نے اپنے پیچھے گرد و غبار کے بادل چھوڑتے لوگوں کے قافلے دیکھے جو شہر ویران کر کے جا رہے تھے۔ لوگ حیرت سے ایک دوسرے سے سبب پوچھ رہے تھے اور جاننے والے بتا رہے تھے کہ عدالت کے فیصلے کی تعمیل ہو رہی تھی۔ <br />
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اور اُس دن جب سورج ڈوبا تو سمرقند کی ویران اور خالی گلیوں میں صرف آوارہ کتے گھوم رہے تھے اور سمرقندیوں کے گھروں سے آہ و پکار اور رونے دھونے کی آوازیں سنائی دے رہی تھیں، اُن کو ایسے لوگ چھوڑ کر جا رہے تھے جن کے اخلاق ، معاشرت، برتاؤ، معاملات اور پیار و محبت نے اُن کو اور اُن کے رہن سہن کو مہذب بنا دیا تھا۔ <br />
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تاریخ گواہ ہے کہ سمرقندی یہ فراق چند گھنٹے بھی برداشت نہ کر پائے، اپنے پادری کی قیادت میں لا الٰہ الاّ اللہ محمّد الرّسول اللہ کا اقرار کرتے مسلمانوں کے لشکر کے پیچھے روانہ ہوگئے اور اُن کو واپس لے آئے۔ <br />
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اور یہ سب کیوں نہ ہوتا، کہیں بھی تو ایسا نہیں ہوا تھا کہ فاتح لشکر اپنے ہی قاضی کی کہی دو باتوں پر عمل کرے اور شہر کو خالی کردے۔ دینِ رحمت نے وہاں ایسے نقوش چھوڑے کہ سمرقند ایک عرصہ تک مسلمانوں کا دارالخلافہ بنا رہا۔ <br />
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«جی ہاں، ایسے ہوا کرتے تھے مسلمان حکمران، اور ایسا ہوا کرتا تھا سیدنا عمر فاروق بن خطاب کے نواسوں میں سے ایک نواسہ یعنی عمر بن عبدالعزيز بن مروان بن الحكم بن أبي العاص بن أميۃ رضی اللہ عنہ و ارضاہ ، اُموی دور کا آٹھواں اور خلفائے راشدين کے سلسلہ کا پانچویں خلیفہ ، جس کے عدل و انصاف سے مشرق و مغرب کے ممالک دینِ اسلام سے بہرہ ور ہو کر دائرہ اسلام میں شامل ہوئے». <br />
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مندرجہ بالا واقعہ شیخ علی طنطاوی رحمۃ اللہ علیہ کی کتاب (قصص من التاریخ) کے صفحہ نمبر 411 (مصر میں 1932 میں چھپی ہوئی) سے لے کر اردو میں ترجمہ کیا گیا ہے۔ <br />
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حسبِ سابق یہ مضمون بھی عربی سے اردو میں ترجمہ کرکے آپکی خدمت میں پیش کیا ہے، آپکی دعاؤں کا طالب ہوں۔ محمد سلیم/شانتو-چائناMohammed Yousuf, (Advocate)http://www.blogger.com/profile/02644165187785886133noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7952916163469380640.post-55334244257744243382010-12-19T20:53:00.000+05:002010-12-19T20:53:11.359+05:00The letter from Afghan experts to Barack Obama | AsiaDespatch.com<a href="http://www.asiadespatch.com/2010/12/the-letter-from-afghan-experts-to-barack-obama/">The letter from Afghan experts to Barack Obama AsiaDespatch.com</a>Mohammed Yousuf, (Advocate)http://www.blogger.com/profile/02644165187785886133noreply@blogger.com2