The Deradicalization Initiative
By amicus • Jul 18th, 2011 • Category: Features • 5 CommentsTwo newspaper reports:
1. The  US Embassy in Islamabad hosted an event on July 3, 2011 in support of  gay rights. Speaking on the occasion, US Deputy Ambassador Richard  Hoagland stated that the US would support gay, lesbian, bisexual and  transgender rights in Pakistan. “I want to be clear: the US Embassy is  here to support you and stand by your side every step of the way,” he  told the audience.
2. In  his key-note address at a seminar on ‘de-radicalisation’ held in  Mingora on July 6, Pakistan’s Chief of the Army Staff General Ashfaq  Parvez Kayani said: “We have taken the first step here in Swat by  initiating a de-radicalisation programme. It needs support and  initiative of the society, intellectuals and policy-makers to take the  lead and put into effect a counter-radicalisation construct, not only to  sustain the de-radicalisation effort, but also to assure a free and  progressive future for Pakistan.”
Could  it be that these two apparently separate events had a single purpose:  to change the hue and colour of the Pakistani society, which the two  gentlemen think has got too ‘radicalised’. In the case of Mr. Hoagland,  the motive also seems to be to provoke and then identify the pockets of  resistance in the process of de-radicalisation.
According to Oxford Dictionary & Thesaurus (Second Edition, 2007), the word ‘radical’ (as adjective) means:
1. Having to do with the basic nature of something; fundamental
2. Supporting complete political or social reform
3. Departing from tradition; new
Obviously,  radicalisation of a society in the meanings 2 and 3 is something very  positive. In fact, “to assure a free and progressive future for  Pakistan”, as desired by General Kayani, it is imperative that there  should be drastic and grassroots political and social reforms and a  break from tradition i.e., tribal and feudal value-system and structure  which is hallmark of Pakistan’s predominantly rural society.
This leaves us with the meaning 1 i.e., “having to do with the basic nature of something; fundamental”. 
Since  last many years, there has been a marked trend in some segments of  Pakistan Armed Forces and Pakistani society to take inspiration from the  fundamentals of Islam by way of response to multiple challenges that  beset the country. Only a biased, stupid, ignorant or naive person would  conclude that reverting to the fundamentals of Islam i.e., its purity  and essence, amounts to leading a life of backwardness or cultivating terrorist mentality.
In  case of ‘de-radicalisation’, or whatever euphemism is applied to the  process, the idea seems to be to change the mind-set of the  ‘radicalised’ (read Islamised) rank and file of Pakistan’s Armed Forces  in particular and of the Pakistani society in general.
Perhaps,  different instances of attacks on Pakistan’s military installations,  including the General Headquarters, Rawalpindi, and the Mehran Naval  Base, Karachi, have revealed that the militants who attacked these  installations had sympathisers within the Pakistan Armed Forces. These  sympathisers collaborated with the assailants in facilitating the  execution of their missions. This led to the novel idea of  ‘de-radicalising’ the ‘Islamist elements’ within the armed forces.
Before undertaking any exercise of ‘de-radicalisation’, those at the helm of affairs should answer some relevant questions:
1. How did Pakistan Armed Forces get what they call ‘radicalised’?
2.  Why do elements within them cooperate with the outside ‘Islamic militants’?
3. Is it really bad that they have been ‘Islamised’?
To find the answers we have to explore the past. 
The  British had introduced the concept of ‘martial race’ in India. The  Punjabis and the Pathans were included in the martial races that would  defend India and serve British interests elsewhere. As a colonial power  the British required highly professional mercenary armed forces that  could kill and maim their own countrymen and co-religionists without any  qualms. The British were successful to a considerable extent in their  endeavour. The British Indian forces helped their colonial masters in  subjugating the natives and fought for them during the Afghan Wars and  the First and Second World Wars.
In  what was a parallel development, conscientious Muslims resisted this  trend. In early nineteenth century, Hazrat Shah Abdul Aziz, the eldest  son of Hazrat Shah Wali-ullah, issued a religious decree (fatwa) that to  cooperate with the British in destructing Muslim lives was a mortal sin  amounting to apostasy. Shah Abdul Aziz was the moving spirit behind the  jihad launched by Syed Ahmed Shaheed against the Sikhs of Punjab and  North-West Frontier region.
Although  there had been an accumulation of grievances, the immediate cause of  the War of Independence of 1857 was religious in nature: the Muslim and  Hindu troops refused to use cartridges smeared with the fat of pig and  cow. Even these mercenaries declined to cross certain limits.
The  issue of service in the British armed forces came to the forefront  during the Khilafah Movement, 1919-1924. The institution of Khilafah had  a religious significance for Muslims. The British were at war with the  Ottomans and had deployed Muslim Indian troops against the Turks. The  situation was unacceptable to the religious-minded Muslim. 
During  the Khilafat Movement several ulema, including Maulana Abul Kalam Azad  and Maulana Mohammad Ali, categorically stated that it was religiously  unlawful (haram) for Indian Muslims to serve the British in war against  their Turk co-religionists. The same view was expressed in the form of a  resolution adopted by the Khilafah Conference session held at Karachi  in 1921.
The  reason why Maulana Mohammad Ali is so much admired and respected in  Pakistan is that as a true Muslim he vehemently supported the fatwa that  it was unlawful for Indian Muslims to serve in the British army against  the Turks. The British considered it sedition. His bold advocacy of the  said fatwa led to his trial and imprisonment for two years.
 During  1940-47 communal feelings were at its height in India. The British  Indian troops could not remain unaffected from this ‘great divide’  (although credit goes to Subhash Chandra Bose that his Indian National  Army comprising deserters was multi-communal in character). 
At  the time of partition of India, the British Indian troops were offered  choice to join Pakistan or Indian Armed Forces, irrespective of their  place of residence. This was an admission that Pakistan was not going to  be a ‘nation-state’ as the concept is understood in the West.
Pakistan  was born with Islamic moorings. The Indian Muslims had given sacrifices  not for ‘democracy’, ‘separate electorates’, ‘reservation of seats’,  ‘quota in government jobs’ or ‘provincial autonomy’ but because they had  been mesmerised by the lofty idealism and romanticism of creating an  ‘Islamic State’, or the fortress of Islam, Pakistan. 
After  independence, Pakistan Armed Forces adopted Islamic nomenclatures,  symbols, insignia and anthems. Victoria Cross was the thing of the past.  The most cherished award now was the Nishan-e-Hyder. War ships and  submarines were named Babur and Ghazi. Time came when missiles became  Ghuaris and Abdalis. Pakistan’s nuclear device was informally referred  to as ‘Islamic bomb’. 
No  doubt it was the Islamic spirit that helped the Pakistan Armed Forces  and the nation unite against all odds in the India-Pakistan War of 1965.  Just a single sentence of President Ayub Khan’s address that appealed  to Islamic character of Pakistan electrified the nation. Blood started  running fast in the veins of Pakistani Muslims. The middle  level army officers and the rank and file fought the war as a jihad. A  mercenary army of British Indian type could never have withstood the  Indian onslaught on the fateful day of September 6, 1965. 
The  same armed forces faced great humiliation in 1971 because their war was  illegitimate like the present so-called ‘war on terrorism’. The troops,  misguided and confused, fought a losing war against their oppressed  Bengali co-religionists who were duly assisted by the Indians. They lost  because Islamic bond and fervour were lacking. 
In  the midst of the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan (December  1979-February 1989), President and Chief of the Army Staff General  Mohammad Zia-ul Haq initiated a programme of ‘Islamization’ of the armed  forces. 
Alcohol  was prohibited. Sporting beard, offering five-time prayers, fasting and  performing Hajj was appreciated and rewarded. Those who embraced the  concept of jihad and had ‘Islamic mind-set’ got easy promotions.  Whatever might have been General Zia’s other failings, he imparted an  Islamic colour to the Pakistan Armed Forces. In other words, he  completed the process of ‘radicalisation’ of the troops and converted  them into a highly motivated and formidable force.
Pakistan’s  sponsored and supported militant groups, first in Afghanistan and  subsequently in Kashmir. Pakistan Armed Forces forged close ties with  these militant outfits and cooperated with them. They came into contact  with the Taliban as allies and friends. They also came into contact with  Arab, Chechen, Uzbek and Uighar militants and learned about the ideas  of international Islamic movements. 
The  jihadi culture was at its height when 9/11 happened and all of a sudden  the United States built–up pressure to reverse the trend and to  ‘de-radicalise’ the Pakistan Armed Forces. The United States needed  mercenaries. Pakistan Armed Forces were to be pitched against their co-religionists and erstwhile allies.
For  the rank and file of the Pakistan Armed Forces who perceived India as  the arch enemy, who sincerely believed that the Christians and Jews  could never be the true friends of Muslims, who subscribed to the view  that the Al-Qaeda was waging jihad against the crusaders and who  regarded the Taliban as their brothers in religion, this was  psychologically disastrous. 
Thus  the answer to our second question is to be found in the policy shift  that was made by the Musharraf government in the aftermath of 9/11 and  continues to this day. 
Taking  lessons from the past, including the British period and the  India-Pakistan War of 1971, the military establishment should and the  Government should shun seeking refuge with the Americans. 
In  matters of religious convictions, no ‘de-radicalisation’ can work. By  siding with the United States, Pakistan’s military establishment has  tarnished its own image. It has emerged as hypocrite. It has, in the  process, created a hype and offered the propagandists an excuse, that  that there is un ease within the Pakistan Armed Forces and some cases it  is even alleged that some collaborate with the Al-Qaeda, Taliban and  others against the infidels and their stooges. Pakistan’s enemies are  taking undue advantage of this situation.
Can  those who hold gay events in Islamabad be Pakistan’s friends? Never.  They do not even comprehend the catharsis of Pakistan, its value system  and the culture, where we have all the vices prevalent in the society,  but owing to our faith and belief system, no attempt at legitimising or  legalizing those could be acceptable or implemented. Besides, for taking  Pakistan forward as a progressive democratic and tolerant nation state,  Pakistan does not need to legitimise such fringe groups. 
Pakistan  needs is a sustained and lion’s share of development funds in the areas  of education and health. There in lies the remedy for the disease  called illiteracy, we in Pakistan suffer. 
Once  Pakistan jumps down from the American bandwagon, concedes legitimate  demands of the militants and offers olive branch to them, the ball will  be in their court. If any faction/s of the militants continues to mount  attack against Pakistan Armed Forces after peace offer is made, it will  be at fault and Pakistani troops will fight against misguided militants  with religious zeal and fervour. There will be no hesitation. No fear of  committing any mortal sin. No apprehension of becoming apostate. Such  enemies would find no collaborators within Pakistan Armed Forces. 
Any  forced ‘de-radicalisation’ is bound to be counter-productive. It would  be perceived as ‘de-Islamization’. It would create more fissures. It  would weaken the armed forces and the society. It would be suicidal. It  would unleash centrifugal forces. It would prove beyond any shadow of  doubt that Pakistan’s military establishment is just a puppet whose  strings are in the hands of Americans. 
Pakistan  needs armed forces that are imbibed with Islamic ideas and imbued with  Islamic spirit. Mercenaries cannot defend it. Pakistan is not a  ‘nation-state’ in traditional sense. Its ethos is different. Only Islam  can cement the Pakistan Armed Forces, the society and the nation and  ensure Pakistan’s security and territorial integrity. 
Our  Military Leaders need to revert to their fundamental moorings before  it’s too late. Otherwise we will meet a fate far more terrible than what  happened on December 16, 1971.
Has  existing temperament, conviction, motivation and commitment to their  MOTHER LAND PAKISTAN, impeded the Pakistan Armed Forces from being  professionally the best army in the world. Have they not received  laurels from the world community in its international missions under the  UN, besides, all time love affection of the Nation. Before diving in to  “de-radicalise” and reform, consider the notion of introspection and  try to find out what went wrong? When and Why? 
The  tinkering with the ideology, belief system, and attitudes, constructed  over a period of decades, particularly for the last three, is extremely  sensitive, delicate and dangerous.
The  situation in India in the late 1980s and 90s is very similar to most of  the rest of the world today where we see, on the one hand, a militant  Islamic revival, which has caused the deaths of thousands of people in  different parts of the world. 
Moderate  Muslims have seen themselves sidelined in many countries and countries  that have moderate Islamic beliefs like Egypt and Jordan find themselves  fighting bloody battles to keep groups like the Islamic Brotherhood at  bay even while other countries that have secular constitutions but  Muslim majorities like Algeria and Turkey find their very existence  threatened by religious fundamentalism. 
It  is believed by many in India that Indira Gandhi allowed the Sikh  fundamentalists to become powerful because she was worried that in the  Punjab the communists were working to organise the farm labourers since  she believed that a religious fundamentalist would be the best force to  fight an anti-religion communist government. 
The west supported mujaheddin groups to fight the former USSR who would later join the Taliban and Al Qaeda and the world saw the horrors of 9/11. 
The  rise in Islamic fundamentalism has been paralleled in a rise in  Christian fundamentalism in the USA, the country that suffered from the  attack of 9/11 and previous attacks on it’s embassies, ships and  citizens in different parts of the world, albeit owing to its own self  serving policies of world domination and occupation of Muslim and other  nations’ lands. There are as open calls in the USA to make the system  more “Christian” as there have been in India by the BJP and it’s VHP,  Bajrang Dal and RSS allies to make it more “Hindu.” 
On the one side, India leaves  no stone unturned in tarnishing the image of Pakistan by indicating the  subversive acts of terrorists, which occur in the country  intermittently, while Pakistan’s security forces have broken the  backbone of the militants through successful military operations. 
On the other side, New Delhi  is quite silent about Hindutva (Hindu nationalism) terror, which has  obtained a new face as Indian secret agency RAW, Indian high officials,  and fundamentalist parties of the country have co-relationship.
It is of particular attention that historical background and religious beliefs, which have formed the habits and national character of Hindus, are quite different from the other ethnic and religious communities. Indians still have a strong belief in the superiority of their race.
Indian  Hindus are followers of Chanakya (Say some thing and do some thing  else). This fact has been verified by the misdeeds of Hindu  fundamentalist parties like BJP, RSS, VHP, Shiv Sina and Bajrang Dal,  which have missed no opportunity to communalise national politics of  India even under the Congress rule. With the support of Indian officials  and RAW agents, these parties have intensified anti-Christian and  anti-Muslim bloodshed in the last decade coupled with the dissemination  of Hindutva.
Israel,  a major flashpoint, has seen a militant Jewish government fighting  militant Palestinians who have chosen to abandon their more moderate  leaders and embrace violently fundamentalist groups like Hamas and  Islamic Jehad. 
The  danger of an intolerant world where the major religionists fight each  other after being hijacked by fundamentalists looms large before us like  an India magnified several times and made infinitely more dangerous.  For, in the various militancy and mini wars that have been fought in  India since the 1980s about 200,000 people have been killed. 
Hence announcing such intention is doomed. Announcing or cutting a ribbon cannot deconstruct the constructed mindset. Look  at Saudi Society they are still struggling with digesting women  drivers. At the same time look again they have addressed the required  deconstruction of their radicals. 
Take  a leaf. Being religious is not the problem its militant manifestation  in any Society is. Look at Malaysian Model for inspiration. 
Pakistan  and its armed forces needs to be saved from becoming Afghanistan and  moved to become Malaysia like Modern Muslim state, instead  de-radicalisation and de-Islamization, we need to opt for  reconstruction. No need to look for a phoenix rising from the ashes, it  already did rise in 1947. 
WHOM THE GODS WOULD DESTROY THEY FIRST MAKE MAD
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